949 resultados para bilateral political relations
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Urban regeneration programmes in the UK over the past 20 years have increasingly focused on attracting investors, middle-class shoppers and visitors by transforming places and creating new consumption spaces. Ensuring that places are safe and are seen to be safe has taken on greater salience as these flows of income are easily disrupted by changing perceptions of fear and the threat of crime. At the same time, new technologies and policing strategies and tactics have been adopted in a number of regeneration areas which seek to establish control over these new urban spaces. Policing space is increasingly about controlling human actions through design, surveillance technologies and codes of conduct and enforcement. Regeneration agencies and the police now work in partnerships to develop their strategies. At its most extreme, this can lead to the creation of zero-tolerance, or what Smith terms 'revanchist', measures aimed at particular social groups in an effort to sanitise space in the interests of capital accumulation. This paper, drawing on an examination of regeneration practices and processes in one of the UK's fastest-growing urban areas, Reading in Berkshire, assesses policing strategies and tactics in the wake of a major regeneration programme. It documents and discusses the discourses of regeneration that have developed in the town and the ways in which new urban spaces have been secured. It argues that, whilst security concerns have become embedded in institutional discourses and practices, the implementation of security measures has been mediated, in part, by the local socio-political relations in and through which they have been developed.
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At present, there is much anxiety regarding the security of energy supplies; for example, the UK and other European States are set to become increasingly dependant upon imports of natural gas from states with which political relations are often strained. These uncertainties are felt acutely by the electricity generating sector, which is facing major challenges regarding the choice of fuel mix in the years ahead. Nuclear energy may provide an alternative; however, in the UK, progress in replacing the first generation reactors is exceedingly slow. A number of operators are looking to coal as a means of plugging the energy gap. However, in the light of ever more stringent legal controls on emissions, this step cannot be taken without the adoption of sophisticated pollution abatement technology. This article examines the role which legal concepts such as Best Available Techniques (BAT) must play in bringing about these changes.
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Among the links between Pier Paolo Pasolini and Brazilian Cinema Novo, one of the most inspiring is the political approach to hunger and consumption. In this text, I analyse this topic to look at how some of the aesthetic ideas in Pasolini’s La ricotta (1963) can also be found in some of the most important films of Cinema Novo. In 'La ricotta' (1963), the irresistible need to eat of a subproletarian interacts and clashes with his responsibilities as an actor in a movie version of the Passion of Christ, so that the film creates a complex network of relations between film shooting, social differences, art, hunger, consumption, time and light, which turns the film set into a space for displaying political relations, differences, exploitation and revolution. The correspondences between these concepts and some aggression techniques of Cinema Novo are numerous and confirm the capacity of Pasolini’s film to project ideas on cinema and politics beyond its particular production context.
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This article presents a comprehensive and detailed overview of the international trade performance of the manufacturing industry in Brazil over the last decades, emphasizing its participation in Global Value Chains. It uses information from recent available global inputoutput tables such as WIOD (World Input-output database) and TIVA (Trade in Value Added, OECD) as well as complementary information from the GTAP 8 (Global Trade Analysis Project) database. The calculation of a broad set of value added type indicators allows a precise contextualization of the ongoing structural changes in the Brazilian industry, highlighting the relative isolation of its manufacturing sector from the most relevant international supply chains. This article also proposes a public policy discussion, presenting two case studies: the first one related to trade facilitation and the second one to preferential trade agreements. The main conclusions are twofold: first, the reduction of time delays at customs in Brazil may significantly improve the trade performance of its manufacturing industry, specially for the more capital intensive sectors which are generally the ones with greater potential to connection to global value chains; second, the extension of the concept of a “preferential trade partner” to the context of the global unbundling of production may pave the way to future trade policy in Brazil, particularly in the mapping of those partners whose bilateral trade relations with Brazil should receive greater priority by policy makers.
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This article presents a comprehensive and detailed overview of the international trade performance of the manufacturing industry in Brazil over the last decades, emphasizing its participation in Global Value Chains. It uses information from recent available global inputoutput tables such as WIOD (World Input-output database) and TIVA (Trade in Value Added, OECD) as well as complementary information from the GTAP 8 (Global Trade Analysis Project) database. The calculation of a broad set of value added type indicators allows a precise contextualization of the ongoing structural changes in the Brazilian industry, highlighting the relative isolation of its manufacturing sector from the most relevant international supply chains. This article also proposes a public policy discussion, presenting two case studies: the first one related to trade facilitation and the second one to preferential trade agreements. The main conclusions are twofold: first, the reduction of time delays at customs in Brazil may significantly improve the trade performance of its manufacturing industry, specially for the more capital intensive sectors which are generally the ones with greater potential to connection to global value chains; second, the extension of the concept of a “preferential trade partner” to the context of the global unbundling of production may pave the way to future trade policy in Brazil, particularly in the mapping of those partners whose bilateral trade relations with Brazil should receive greater priority by policy makers
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The south region of the Rio Grande do Norte has been historically recognized as a place of old indian villages. Inhabitants of the edges of the Catu River, border between the cities of Canguaretama and Goianinha, the Eleotérios in the threshold of 21st century had passed to be seen and self recognized as "remaining indians" of the RN. Their ethnic mobilizations, when becoming public had placed to the intellectual and political fields an old question to be reflected on: the asseverations concerning the "indian disappearing" in the State. This item brings with it other implications. Accessed by a para-oficial indigenism, the Eleotérios had started to establish political relations with the Potiguara indians of the Baía da Traição/PB and the Indian Movement, feeling stimulated to produce and to reproduce forms of social differentiation. In this context, this research is worried about elucidating the process of construction of the ethnicity among the Eleotérios, percepted from the social relations and politics kept with the amplest society, into a particular historical situation involving sugar cane fields owners, proprietaries, militants, researchers, ambiental agencies. The effects of these political and social relations had been extended, making Eleotérios appear to the society as susceptible social actors to the specific policies for the aboriginal populations
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The goal of our dissertation is to study how the Scandinavian writings produced a Norwegian identity of warlike ideals in a compilation of Icelandic sagas known as Heimskringla and has parts of its content focused on storytelling about a troubled time of Scandinavian monarchies rising between the 8th and 11th centuries, which is called the Viking Age. The Heimskringla, also known as The Circle of the World is a set of writings based on Icelandic oral memory about the Norwegian kings and the conception of a Norwegian territory. While we investigated the relationship between the members of royalty, their companions and the Scandinavian people, we delineate the relationship between memory, identity and war. Our study points out how the Scandinavian war produces, in its storytelling, proper spaces, in socio-political relations among the participants, in the organization of its conflicts or the location of war activities, where places are transformed into essential points in these narratives. The war is both a place of identity statements and a space of practices, necessary for the strengthening of royal power
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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The Cotonou Agreement which succeeded the Lomé IV Agreement and was signed in Cotonou in June 2000 established a comprehensive framework to govern social, economic and political relations between the Africa, Caribbean, Pacific (ACP) grouping and the European Union (EU). At the centre of the partnership are objectives relating to economic development, the reduction and eventual eradication of poverty, and the smooth and gradual integration of ACP States into the world economy. In order to accomplish these objectives, the Cotonou Agreement provides for the conclusion between the ACP and the EU of “new World Trade Organization (WTO) compatible trading arrangements, removing progressively barriers to trade between them and enhancing cooperation in all areas relevant to trade” (Article 36.1). The conclusion of economic partnership agreements (EPAs) represented one way to achieve a WTO compatible instrument and had to be negotiated during the period starting from September 2002 until 31 December 2007 to replace the trade provisions of the Cotonou Agreement. After three and half years of negotiations, CARIFORUM and the European Commission (EC) finally concluded a comprehensive EPA with the EC on 16 December 2007 when an Agreement was initialed. The EPA Parties agreed to sign it later after a review of the provisions at both the national and regional levels. In CARIFORUM, various comments have been made from governments, Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), the private sector and the labour movement about the strengths and weaknesses of the EPA. This review comes in this context and is confined to the development cooperation provisions and the question of WTO compatibility and consistency with the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) negotiations and existing WTO provisions on special and differential treatment.
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Aborda um estudo sobre as relações sociais, econômicas, ambientais e políticas no território quilombola do Curiaú, município de Macapá, estado do Amapá. A pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar as regras do sistema de uso comum das famílias quilombolas, considerando os conflitos socioambientais ocorridos no território em função da pressão da cidade numa perspectiva da economia ecológica. O trabalho fundamentou-se na pesquisa de campo, com aplicação de 55 formulários entre os meses de junho e agosto de 2006. A presença de novas regras de uso no território quilombola em função da criação da Área de Proteção Ambiental do Curiaú tem contribuído para a pressão sobre os recursos naturais disponíveis no ecossistema local. Foi possível observar alterações nas regras de uso comum dos recursos pelas famílias em função da pressão do mercado, assim como pela instauração de políticas públicas ambientais e programas de governo limitando o uso comum dos recursos. Verifica-se , por fim, a necessidade de fortalecer o debate sobre o uso dos recursos naturais e a importância desses para a manutenção e a sobrevivência das famílias do quilombo do Curiaú.
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Esta pesquisa analisou a eleição direta para diretores escolares via estudo de caso da Escola Estadual de Ensino Fundamental e Médio Brigadeiro Fontenele em Belém do Pará, na perspectiva da democratização da gestão, cujas questões norteadoras foram: De que modo as eleições diretas podem contribuir para a construção da gestão democrática na escola? Como se deu o processo de implantação das eleições diretas para provimento do cargo de diretor da Escola Estadual de Ensino Fundamental e Médio Brigadeiro Fontenele, do ponto de vista do Sistema e da comunidade escolar? Para tanto, desenvolvemos este estudo utilizando abordagem qualitativa com pesquisa de campo, e coletamos os dados por intermédio de documentos e entrevistas semiestruturadas destinadas a 17 sujeitos, assim distribuídos: ex-secretária adjunta de ensino, representantes do Conselho Escolar, comissão eleitoral, grêmio estudantil, professores, alunos do ensino fundamental, ensino médio, da educação de jovens e adultos, comunidade e equipe gestora. A democratização da gestão da educação e da escola foi analisada em sua concretude na Secretaria de Educação do Estado do Pará e na escola selecionada, a partir dos seguintes elementos: Conselho Escolar atuante, Projeto Político Pedagógico construído coletivamente e em funcionamento e Autonomia escolar. As análises indicam que o processo eletivo para o provimento do cargo de diretor escolar enfrentou problemas comuns nas relações políticas no Brasil, e no Pará em particular, como o clientelismo, e a inexistência de um projeto político de mudança, discussões de campanhas centradas em pessoas e não em ideias, dentre outros. Podemos afirmar que a experiência estudada não foi um caso isolado, porque o exemplo se manifestou em diversas instituições da rede estadual; que a direção eleita finalizou seu mandato sem rever o Projeto Político Pedagógico, mesmo sendo um instrumento que não garante a democratização das relações de poder, mas é essencial, e se for produto de trabalho coletivo poderá concorrer para a construção de novas relações de poder e para nortear a organização política, administrativa e pedagógica da instituição. A construção da gestão democrática encontrou diferentes barreiras, pois os órgãos colegiados não conseguiram realizar seu papel enquanto órgão permanente de educação política, pois fica quase restrito a problemas burocráticos, como prestação de contas de recursos recebidos. A estrutura hierárquica tradicional presente na E. E. E. F. M. Brigadeiro Fontenele não permitiu uma significativa mudança nas relações de poder e a própria organização pedagógica possui barreiras quase intransponíveis, como a execução dos programas de disciplinas estanques, sem os professores discutirem ou se articularem. Por fim, consideramos que a forma autoritária de conduzir a escola pode reforçar a sociedade excludente e avaliamos que para a democratização da gestão, necessitamos de novos referenciais de formação para os gestores escolares, pois o cenário político e econômico e social impõe novas práticas gestoras.
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Aborda os processos de constituição e institucionalização de escolas nas fazendas de criação extensiva localizadas na ilha de Marajó, interior de Soure, Brasil, e demonstra que eles ocorreram associados à grande propriedade e a relações políticas estabelecidas entre fazendeiros, vaqueiros e poder público. Reflexões teóricas, dados sociais e acontecimentos somam-se a imagens fotográficas que revelam a fragilidade da educação pública oferecida às crianças das zonas rurais do extremo norte do país.
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Este artigo tem por finalidade discutir as relações políticas entre o grupo reunido em torno do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo e o governo autoritário de Getúlio Vargas instaurado em novembro de 1937, num momento em que a Europa se dividia entre países totalitários, de esquerda e de direita, e liberal-democráticos.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)