Espacio social : Aportes para una definición del concepto y su posible relación con el arte

En el presente trabajo proponemos avanzar de un modo crítico en horizontes teóricos, tanto desde la geografía urbana como desde la geografía política, para abordar el concepto de espacio. Para ello, analizamos las contribuciones de Henri Lefebvre, Milton Santos y Doreen Massey guiándonos por las siguientes preguntas: ¿Cómo definen estos autores al espacio y qué características le atribuyen? ¿Qué aportes realizan para problematizar la noción de espacio físico? A partir de esta indagación, arribamos a la consideración de que el espacio, lejos de concebirse en términos atemporales, objetivos, fijos y apolíticos, es una construcción histórico social que posee un carácter político al estar atravesado por relaciones de poder. Asimismo, sostenemos que la presencia del espacio en las prácticas sociales, entre ellas las acciones artísticas (objeto de nuestro interés), no es sólo contextual, por lo que excede a la idea de simple emplazamiento, telón de fondo o escenario donde transcurren los hechos. De esta manera, consideramos que estas indagaciones aportan un marco analítico significativo para comprender la centralidad que tiene la valoración, construcción y disputa del espacio por parte de numerosas prácticas. ;En síntesis, arribamos a la conclusión de que el espacio es a la vez productor y producto. Por ende, está en permanente cambio y las formas que adquiere son condición histórica y de posibilidad, y no una determinación, para los procesos sociales que allí se desarrollan. Cualquier manifestación social, entre ellas las artísticas, no se insertan en el espacio de forma "natural" sino que lo hacen de manera disruptiva, en lugares no esperados, con técnicas o mecanismos que apelan a descentrar, a movilizar los sentimientos y sentidos corporales, a despertar el interés, curiosidad, preguntas, cuestionamientos, entre otros. En este sentido, en el espacio construido socialmente confluyen cierta distribución del poder, el conflicto social y también las prácticas creativas que muchas veces se proponen generar operaciones contra esas dinámicas.

El Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura y su apoyo a la disidencia intelectual durante el franquismo

El artículo reconstruye los principales aspectos de la labor del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura entre la oposición antifranquista del interior. Se describen las circunstancias políticas que motivaron la fundación del Comité Español (1959-1977), así como las principales características de esa célula intelectual antifranquista. El artículo indaga en los objetivos ideológicos y políticos de la actividad del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura entre las elites intelectuales y culturales disidentes durante el tardofranquismo. Nos concentramos especialmente en el capítulo que atañe a la ayuda directa dispensada por el Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura a los intelectuales y artistas españoles mediante la concesión de becas de libros y bolsas de viaje a través del Comité d’Ecrivains et d’Editeurs pour une Entraide Européenne. Reconstruimos asimismo los nombres de los principales beneficiarios españoles de esas ayudas, así como la principal problemática vinculada al desarrollo del programa. El análisis histórico se apoya en documentos procedentes de diversos archivos nacionales e internacionales.

Citizenship formation for a new millennium in Sweden : a prognosis of our time

The aim of this article is to forecast the present situation of citizenship formation in the field of Swedish education. In highlighting trends and tendencies in the educational assignment to provide for democratic citizenship in the first decade of the 21st century, which can be characterised as lacking collective visions for change, three depictions of citizenship are prevailing: citizenship formation for deliberation, for entrepreneurship and for therapeutic intervention. These depictions are analysed in terms of the direction for action taking and attention that they stress and produce as concerns citizenship in the making. The first one, citizenship formation for deliberation, stresses an inward-looking and inward-feeling citizenship. The second one, citizenship formation for entrepreneurship, stresses an inward-looking and outward-making citizenship, and the third one, citizenship formation for therapeutic intervention, stresses an inward-looking and outward-making citizenship. Taking on this forecast, which actualises democracy as something that is already achieved as a consequence of an assumedly post political situation, we argue that citizenship as well as society itself risks being pictured as apolitical and democratically “saturated.” This situation is hazardous, we argue, as it does not open up for change to come into question as desirable or even possible. Put differently, it leaves us with the notion that things have to be as they are, as we are living in the best of worlds. 

Medborgarskapande för ett nytt millennium : utbildning och medborgarfostran i 2000-talets Sverige.

Citizenship in the making for a new millenium – education and citizen formation in 21st century Sweden. The aim of this article is to analyse citizenship formation in Swedish education. In highlighting trends regarding the assignment of the educational system to provide for democratic citizenship there are certain depictions of citizenship prevail- ing. The first stresses an inward-looking and inward-feeling citizenship, characterizing the citizen as deliberative and emotional. The second stresses an inward-looking and outward-making citizenship, characterizing the citizen as entrepreneurial and willing. Here, democracy is portrayed as already achieved. This, we argue, is hazardous as society risk being pictured as apolitical and democratically ‘saturated’. This situation does not open up for democratic change to come into question as desirable or even possible. Put differently, it leaves us with the notion that things have to be as they are, as we are living in the best of worlds.

A Feminist Affective Turn for Public Relations: Mothers, Passionate Publics, and the Childhood Vaccine Debate

This project proposes a feminist intervention in how affect and publics are theorized in public relations research. Drawing from extant literature, I argue that public relations theories of affect and publics have been apolitical and lack depth and context (Leitch & Motion, 2010a). Using the context of the online childhood vaccine debate, I illustrate several theories and concepts of the new feminist affective turn, as well as postmodern theories of affect, relevant to public relations research: (a) Public Feelings, “ugly” feelings, agency, and community (Cvetkovich, 2012; Ngai, 2007); (b) passionate politics (Mouffe, 2014); (c) postmodern assemblages, biopower, and body politics (Deleuze & Guattari, 1988; Foucault, 1984); (d) affective facts and logics of future threats (Massumi, 2010); and (e) affective ethics (Bertleson & Murphie, 2010). Scholarship in the areas of public relations, risk, feminist and postmodern affect theory, and the vaccine debate provided theoretical grounding for this project. My research questions asked: How is feminist affect theory embodied by mothers in the vaccine debate? How do mothers understand risks as affective facts in the vaccine debate (if at all)? What affective logics are used by mothers in the vaccine debate (if any)? And, What are sources of knowledge for mothers in the vaccine debate? Multi-sited online ethnographic methods were used to explore how feminist affect theory contributes to public relations research, including 29 one-on-one in-depth interviews with mothers of young children and participant observation of 15 online discussions about vaccines on parenting websites BabyCenter.com, TheBump.com, and WhatToExpect.com. I used snowball sampling to recruit interview participants and grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) to analyze interview and online data. Results show that feminist affect theory contributes to theoretical and practical knowledge in public relations by politicizing and contextualizing understandings of publics and elucidating how affective facts and logics inform publics’ knowledge and choices, specifically in the context of risk. I also found evidence of suppression of dissent (Martin, 2015) and academic bias in vaccine debate research, which resulted in cultures of silence. Further areas of study included how specific contexts such as motherhood and issues of privilege and access affect publics’ experiences, knowledges, and choices.

Crises and Crisis Generations: International Conflict and Military Participation in Politics

Why do states facing high levels of international threat sometimes have militaries that are heavily involved in politics and at other times relatively apolitical, professional militaries? I argue that the answer to this puzzle lies in a state's history of 'acute' international crises rather than its 'chronic' threat environment. Major international crises lead to professionalization and de-politicization of militaries in both the short- and long-term. International crises underscore the need for the military to defend the state and highlight military deficiencies in this regard. Accordingly, major international crises lead to military professionalization and withdrawal from politics in order to increase military effectiveness. This effect persists years, and decades, later due to generational shifts in the officer corps. As the "Crisis Generation" of officers become generals, they bring with them a preference for professionalization and de-politicization. They guide the military towards abstention from politics. I test this theory using a new global dataset on military officers in national governing bodies from 1964-2008 and find strong support for the theory. Major international crises lead to two waves of military withdrawal from government, years apart. Further statistical analysis finds that this effect is most strongly felt in the non-security areas of governing, while in some cases, international crises may lead to militaries increasing their involvement in security policy-making. Further, international crises that end poorly for a state — i.e., defeats or stalemates — are found to drive more rapid waves of military withdrawal from government. The statistical analysis is supported by a case illustration of civil-military relations in the People's Republic of China, which demonstrates that the crisis of the Korean War (1950-53) led to two waves of military professionalization and de-politicization, decades apart. The first occurred immediately after the war. The second wave, occurring in the 1980s, involved wholesale military withdrawal from governing bodies, which was made possible by the ascent of the "Crisis Generation" of officers in the military, who had served as junior officers in the Korean War, decades prior.

Algunas consideraciones en torno a la transdisciplinariedad y a la educación superior

Durante los últimos dos siglos se ha venido sosteniendo la neutralidad y apoliticidad de la ciencia, pero se ha pasado por alto que esta, como construcción humana, no puede ostentar un estatus especial. Es decir, está condicionada históricamente al igual que cualquier otra actividad. La ciencia moderna adquirió su actual división disciplinaria en el siglo XIX, en gran parte por el desarrollo del capitalismo industrial que cubrió el orbe y la conformación de estados-nación y su organización dentro del sistema interestatal, de modo que es una particular forma de entender y estudiar la realidad, pero no la única posible. Las elecciones teóricas y metodológicas hechas desde entonces se han impuesto como la forma natural de aprehender la realidad. La fase actual del proceso de la globalización ha puesto de manifiesto que el marco epistemológico decimonónico –y como parte de él, el nacionalismo metodológico– resulta insuficiente en el presente para explicar ciertos fenómenos sistémicos y ha revelado la necesidad de su superación. En el presente contexto histórico se hace más necesario que nunca superar la dependencia académica y la adopción de una actitud crítica para que la división internacional del trabajo académico y la estructuración de una agenda transnacional para la educación no operen en contra de las zonas y poblaciones pobres del mundo. Ello supone que la universidad defina su papel con respecto a la sociedad desde una dimensión política, antes de que decida y realice su propia reforma. La transdisciplinariedad juega un papel principal en la superación de los viejos modelos de la ciencia y la universidad.