Stolzman w Belwederze? Instrumentalizacja antysemityzmu w kampaniach prezydenckich w Polsce po roku 1989

Antysemicki dyskurs wcale nie potrzebuje obecności Żydów jako racji swojego bytu i legitymizacji istnienia. Zwalcza Żydów wyimaginowanych i symbolicznych. Żydów z nadania, a zwłaszcza wszystko to, przeciwko czemu występuje i na różne sposoby stara się z Żydami skojarzyć. Praktyka taka niejednokrotnie dała o sobie znać w toku prezydenckich kampanii wyborczych w Polsce po roku 1989. Efektów płynących z instrumentalizacji antysemityzmu, choć samo zjawisko jest godne wyłącznie pogardy, nie należy jednak przeceniać i nadawać mu nadmiernego znaczenia przy interpretacji decyzji powziętych przez wyborców. Gdyby w istocie miał on stanowić instrument o przemożnym oddziaływaniu, to ironizując Aleksander Kwaśniewski nie zostałby dwukrotnie prezydentem Polski.

Antysemityzm w Królestwie Polskim. Geneza i kształtowanie się nowoczesnej ideologii antyżydowskiej (1864-1914)

Wydział Historyczny

Exploring the Zionist evolution of Robert Briscoe: History and memory

Robert Briscoe was the Dublin born son of Lithuanian and German-Jewish immigrants. As a young man he joined Sinn Féin and was an important figure in the War of Independence due to a role as one of the IRA’s main gun-procuring agents. He took the anti-Treaty side during an internecine Civil War, mainly due to the influence of Eamon de Valera and retained a filial devotion towards him for the rest of his life. In 1926 he was a founding member of Fianna Fáil, de Valera’s breakaway republican party, which would dominate twentieth-century Irish politics. He was first elected as a Fianna Fáil T.D. (Teachta Dála, Deputy to the Dáil) in 1927, and successfully defended his seat eleven times becoming the first Jewish Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1956, an honour that was repeated in 1961. On this basis alone, it can be argued that Briscoe was a significant presence in an embryonic Irish political culture; however, when his role in the 1930s Jewish immigration endeavor is acknowledged, it is clear that he played a unique part in one of the most contentious political and social discourses of the pre-war years. This was reinforced when Briscoe embraced Zionism in a belated realisation that the survival of his European co-religionists could only be guaranteed if an independent Jewish state existed. This information is to a certain degree public knowledge; however, the full extent of his involvement as an immigration advocate for potential Jewish refugees, and the seniority he achieved in the New Zionist Organisation (Revisionists) has not been fully recognised. This is partly explicable because researchers have based their assessment of Briscoe on an incomplete political archive in the National Library of Ireland (NLI). The vast majority of documentation pertaining to his involvement in the immigration endeavor has not been available to scholars and remains the private property of Robert Briscoe’s son, Ben Briscoe. The lack of immigration files in the NLI was reinforced by the fact that information about Briscoe’s Revisionist engagement was donated to the Jabotinsky Institute in Tel Aviv and can only be accessed physically by visiting Israel. Therefore, even though these twin endeavors have been commented on by a number of academics, their assessments have tended to be based on an incomplete archive, which was supplemented by Briscoe’s autobiographical memoir published in 1958. This study will attempt to fill in the missing gaps in Briscoe’s complex political narrative by incorporating the rarely used private papers of Robert Briscoe, and the difficult to access Briscoe files in Tel Aviv. This undertaking was only possible when Mr.Ben Briscoe graciously granted me full and unrestricted access to his father’s papers, and after a month-long research trip to the Jabotinsky Institute in Tel Aviv. Access to this rarely used documentation facilitated a holistic examination of Briscoe’s complex and multifaceted political reality. It revealed the full extent of Briscoe’s political and social evolution as the Nazi instigated Jewish emigration crisis reached catastrophic proportions. He was by turn Fianna Fáil nationalist, Jewish immigration advocate and senior Revisionist actor on a global stage. The study will examine the contrasting political and social forces that initiated each stage of Briscoe’s Zionist awakening, and in the process will fill a major gap in Irish-Jewish historiography by revealing the full extent of his Revisionist engagement.

Eleanor Roosevelt: supporting Zion, denying Palestine

Eleanor Roosevelt, as a renowned humanitarian, portrayed an inconsistency by supporting Zionist ambitions for a national homeland in Palestine while simultaneously ignoring the rights of the indigenous Palestinians. Because of this dichotomy, this dissertation explores her attitudes, her disposition and her position in light of the conflict in the region. It conveys how her particular character traits interplayed with the cultural influences prevalent in mid-century America and encouraged her empathy with the plight of European Jews after the Holocaust. As she evolved politically, initially under the tutelage of Franklin Roosevelt and latterly as a UN delegate, she outgrew the anti-Semitism of the period to become a committed Zionist. Judging the Palestinians as ‘primitives’ incapable of self-government and heartened by Jewish development, she supported the partition of Palestine in November 1947. After the 1948 Arab-Israeli war the 800,000 Palestinian refugees encamped in neighbouring Arab states threatened to destabilise the region. Her solution was to discourage repatriation and to re-settle them in Iraq – a plan that directly contravened the principles of the December 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaimed by the UN committee she had chaired. No detailed work has been conducted on these aspects of Eleanor Roosevelt’s life; this dissertation reveals a complex person rather than a model of ‘humanitarianism’, and one whose activities cannot be so simply categorised. In the eight chapters that follow, her own thoughts are disclosed through her ‘My Day’ newspaper column, through letters to friends and to members of the public that petitioned her, through a scrutiny of her articles, books and autobiography. This information was attained as a result of archival research in the US and in The Netherlands and was considered against an extensive range of secondary literature. During the Cold War, to offset Soviet incursion, Eleanor Roosevelt promoted Jewish usurpation of Palestinian lands with equanimity in order that an industrious Western-style democracy would bring stability to the region. These events facilitated the exposure of a latent Orientalism and an imperialistic lien that fostered paternalism in a woman new to the nuances of international diplomacy.

Gender and Cosmopolitanism in Europe: A Feminist Perspective

Gender and Cosmopolitanism in Europe combines a feminist critique of contemporary and prominent approaches to cosmopolitanism with an in-depth analysis of historical cosmopolitanism and the manner in which gendered symbolic boundaries of national political communities in two European countries are drawn. Exploring the work of prominent scholars of new cosmopolitanism in Britain and Germany, including Held, Habermas, Beck and Bhabha, it delivers a timely intervention into current debates on globalisation, Europeanisation and social processes of transformation in and beyond specific national societies.

A rigorous examination of the emancipatory potential of current debates surrounding cosmopolitanism in Europe, this book will be of interest to sociologist and political scientists working on questions of identity, inclusion, citizenship, globalisation, cosmopolitanism and gender.
Contents: Introduction: gendered cosmopolitanism: the scope of this book; Who belongs? Who is the Other?; Recognition, social equality and the current EU anti-discrimination policy; Kulturnation and the homogenised notion of community belonging: Jürgen Habermas's and Ulrich Beck's approaches to 'European' cosmopolitanism; Global trade, the city and commercial cosmopolitanism: David Held's and Homi K. Bhabha's approaches to new cosmopolitanism; About dead-ends, one-way streets and critical crossroads; Transversal conversations on the scope of new cosmopolitanism beyond the Eurocentric framework; Bibliography; Index.

Guerre et exil chez Louis-Ferdinand Céline

O nosso estudo incide, primordialmente, sobre as polémicas de carácter político e consequentes acusações de que Louis-Ferdinand Céline foi – e continua a ser – alvo. Tais aspectos conduzem-nos a questionar, com alguma veemência e perplexidade, as razões da sua fuga através da Alemanha, bem como as relações que estabeleceu com os Nazis durante a segunda guerra mundial. Num primeiro momento, elaborámos uma contextualização de cariz temporal e factual, tentando perceber – quiçá explicar -, o sentido das posições assumidas por Céline aquando da composição dos seus pamphlets, marcada por uma reivindicação violenta do seu antisemitismo e que surge, omnipresente, sob forma de cartas, entrevistas e outros escritos. Contudo, a essência do nosso trabalho consistiu numa análise detalhada das diferentes etapas dos anos de exílio do escritor, primeiro numa Alemanha devastada pela guerra, onde se refugia a partir de 17 de Junho de 1944 e mais tarde, na Dinamarca (1945-1951), de onde terá de responder às acusações de traição que lhe são dirigidas pela justiça francesa, antes de um regresso sem glória, a França, e de uma reabilitação tardia e titubeante. Os escritos que constituem o corpus do nosso trabalho traduzem, de modo inequívoco, a experiência amarga e cruel dos anos de exílio e da lembrança feita de dor e ódio, que o escritor sentiu profundamente, como um espinho na própria carne. Apesar do caminho tortuoso, que lhe confere uma aura de escritor “maldito”, Céline permanece, ainda hoje, como um dos maiores génios da literatura francesa do século XX.

Liberté? : réflexion sur un problème dans l'éthique de Theodor Adorno

La réflexion morale de Theodor Adorno est manifestement traversée par une tension : l’exigence paradoxale d’enraciner pleinement la morale à la fois dans les impulsions les plus vives et dans la raison la plus lucide. Plus qu’une excentricité parmi d’autres de la figure de proue de l’École de Francfort, le présent mémoire donne à penser que ce problème pourrait être une des principales charnières de son éthique. L’objectif de ma recherche est de dégager une voie pour articuler conjointement, «sans sacrifice aucun», ces deux exigences. Pour ce faire, je tenterai d’étayer l’hypothèse suivante : l’analyse du problème de la liberté et de la non-liberté que développe le premier des trois «modèles» de Dialectique négative permet de comprendre à la fois le lien et l’écart entre la dimension impulsive et rationnelle de l’éthique d’Adorno. L’argument qui sera déployé se penchera d’abord sur le problème de la non-liberté et son incarnation à travers le phénomène concret de l’antisémitisme ainsi que de la peur et de la rage animale dans lesquelles il s’enracine, pour ensuite examiner la conception adornienne de la liberté dans ses deux dimensions de «pleine conscience théorique» et «d’impulsion spontanée», et pour finalement tenter d’apprécier la portée plus générale pour la compréhension de l’éthique d’Adorno de cette interprétation du problème de la liberté en tentant de comprendre sur cette base son «nouvel impératif catégorique».

El humor judío femenino argentino contemporáneo en la narrativa de Alicia Steimberg, Silvia Plager y Ana María Shúa

En la creación literaria latinoamericana del siglo XX, la narrativa de los autores judíos ha proseguido un trayecto aparte, casi silencioso, en relación con la escritura canónica del continente. No obstante, hacia los años setenta, surge una producción literaria judía femenina que hoy ha alcanzado un renombre internacional. Esta tesis estudia la peculiaridad literaria del humor judío femenino argentino contemporáneo en torno a la definición de la identidad y rol de género, para comprender cómo se resignifica la hibridez cultural en el texto literario. El humor como catarsis de conflictos problematiza la relación entre lo propio y lo ajeno mediante una puesta en tela de juicio de la realidad para manifestarse como una preocupación, una responsabilidad y un compromiso crítico. A través del análisis de las obras de Alicia Steimberg, Silvia Plager y Ana María Shúa, la investigación reconfigura la vida judía diaspórica y el sentido de ser mujer respecto a la importancia del ámbito culinario en cuanto al influjo de la modernidad argentina en la tradición judía. En este estudio, se analizarán las novelas Músicos y relojeros, Como papas para varenikes y Risas y emociones de la cocina judía donde las diferentes reflexiones de Steimberg, Plager y Shúa en relación con la historia judía elaboran discursos con singulares diferencias en la intención humorística. En la primera parte de la tesis, se hará mención de diversas perspectivas teóricas que destacan las implicaciones psicológicas, sociales y psicoanalíticas respecto al humor en general, el humor de la minoría, el humor femenino y el humor judío. En los tres capítulos subsiguientes, se procederá a una lectura de los textos antes mencionados para interpretar las preocupaciones de nuestro tema frente a los dictámenes que la religión y sociedad desean imponer. Finalmente, la conclusión aborda la evolución de una visión entre humor negro, humor como crítica social y humor como lúdico juego en paralelo con una búsqueda de la identidad híbrida actualizada mediante una crítica de lo tradicional.

El Discurso de Hamás como elemento perpetuador del conflicto Israel-Palestina a partir de la Segunda Intifada

El conflicto árabe-israelí es de los más antiguos que existen en el mundo, es por esto que es importante conocer algunas de las causalidades del por qué este conflicto no ha logrado solucionarse. En este caso se estudiará como el discurso de Hamás logra influir en la prolongación de este conflicto. Para determinar como el discurso logra influir se hace la división en tres capítulos. En el primer capitulo se determinan cuales son los elementos característicos de su discurso; en este caso los elementos son antisemitismo, irredentismo y nacionalismo que se encuentran presentes en todos los discursos y en su carta fundacional. En una segunda parte se busca determinar como el discurso se convierte en realidad, haciéndose tangible por medio de atentados terroristas por parte del brazo armado de Hamás denominado Ezzedine Al-Qassam. En el último capítulo se determina como el discurso se convierte en un elemento determinante para la prolongación del conflicto y de que manera afecta tanto a la población israelí como a la palestina. Por otra parte se busca evidenciar como el discurso de Hamás influye en diferentes niveles (individual, comunitario, binacional e internacional). Finalmente se logra establecer como el discurso de Hamás y las experiencias de vida de israelíes y palestinos configuran el escenario perfecto para la continuación del conflicto.

Impegno nero: Italian intellectuals and the African-American struggle

In the aftermath of the Second World War, Italian intellectuals participated in Italy’s reconstruction with an ideological commitment inspired by the African-American struggle for equal rights in the United States. Drawing on the work of many of the leading figures in postwar Italian culture, including Italo Calvino, Giorgio Caproni, Cesare Pavese, and Elio Vittorini, this essay argues that Italian intellectual impegno—defined as the effort to remake Italian culture and to guide Italian social reform—was united with a significant investment in the African-American cause. The author terms this tendency impegno nero and traces its development in the critical reception of African-American writers including W.E.B. DuBois, Langston Hughes, and Richard Wright. Postwar impegno nero is then contrasted with the treatment of African-American themes under Fascism, when commentators had likewise condemned American racism, but had paradoxically linked their laments for the plight of African Americans with defenses of the racial policies of the Fascist regime. Indeed, Fascist colonialism and anti-Semitism were both justified through references to what Fascist intellectuals believed to be America’s greater injustices. After 1945, in contrast, Italian intellectuals advocated an international, interdependent campaign for justice, symbolizing national reforms by projecting them onto an emblematic America. In this way, impegno nero revived and revised the celebrated "myth of America" that had developed in Italy between the world wars. Advancing a new, postwar myth, Italian intellectuals adopted the African-American struggle in order to reinforce their own efforts in the ongoing struggle for justice in Italy.

Shiro, Burt and Phyllis, interviewed by Sam Levine on January 17, 2010: Audio Recording

Some of the themes discussed are: • Occupation—store, The Jefferson Hotel (2, 4-6, 11, 17-18) • Food (2) • Colby—Greek life (3, 7) • Military service (3-4) • Bar Mitzvah (6, 12) • Life in Waterville—Circus (6) • Anti-semitism (10-12) • Occupation—law (8-9) • Occupation—legislature (14) • Jewish education (12) • Synagogue (13) • Civic engagement—United Way (15) • Civic engagement (26-28) • Camp—Modin (18) • College—attendance (19) • Colby—football (20-21, 23, 30)

Shiro, Burt, and Phyllis, interviewed by Sam Levine on January 17, 2010: Transcript

Some of the themes discussed are: • Occupation—store, The Jefferson Hotel (2, 4-6, 11, 17-18) • Food (2) • Colby—Greek life (3, 7) • Military service (3-4) • Bar Mitzvah (6, 12) • Life in Waterville—Circus (6) • Anti-semitism (10-12) • Occupation—law (8-9) • Occupation—legislature (14) • Jewish education (12) • Synagogue (13) • Civic engagement—United Way (15) • Civic engagement (26-28) • Camp—Modin (18) • College—attendance (19) • Colby—football (20-21, 23, 30)

France and the German refugee crisis of 1993

Initially liberal in its response to refugees from Nazism in 1933, France soon closed its borders to them. Thereafter, refugees encountered a regime of exclusion and antipathy. Historians confront the problem of explaining the reasons for exclusion. Anti-Semitism is often alleged to be motive-force, but this misleadingly imposes on an earlier period our understanding of the Vichy regime and its anti-Jewish legislation. This article investigates the nature of the French responses to those in flight from persecution in Nazi Germany in 1933, and questions whether it is proper to study this period in the context of events after 1940. It argues instead that French refugee policy in the 1930s emerged from the context of anti-foreign measures implemented in response to the economic stress of the late 1920s. Its study of the crisis in 1933 identifies the pressures that shaped France's exclusionary policies and its antipathy to the plight of the refugees.

Beyond Habermas

Jurgen Habermas suggests an equitable society through the revitalization of an ideal public sphere and rational discourse. This is called into question, on the basis of the vast phenomenon of anti-Semitism and counter-capitalist violence, which is argued to stand beyond rational discourse and have its roots in a mythic consciousness.

Karl Popper on Jewish nationalism and cosmopolitanism

This paper re-contextualizes Karl Popper’s thought within the anti-nationalist cosmopolitan tradition of the Central European intelligentsia. It argues that, although Popper was brought up in an assimilated Jewish Viennese household, from the perspective of the Jewish Enlightenment or Haskalah tradition, he can be seen to be a modern day heterodox Maskil (scholar). Popper’s ever present fear of anti-Semitism and his refusal to see Judaism as compatible with cosmopolitanism raise important questions as to the realisable limits of the cosmopolitan ideal. His inability to integrate an understanding of Jewishness in his cosmopolitan political ideal resulted in his strong opposition to Zionism and the state of Israel. By comparing Popper’s positions with those of Hermann Cohen, another neo-Kantian philosopher, I argue that although their solutions fall short in certain respects, their arguments have continuing purchase in recent debates on cosmopolitanism and the problem of the integration of minority groups. In addition, the arguments of the Jewish Enlightenment thinkers offer important insights for the current debates on minority integration and xenophobia.