988 resultados para Written Language


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Aquest projecte final de Pràcticum I de Psicologia de l'Educació explica totes les activitats que he dut a terme al llarg de la meva estada en practiques al centre Orienta. S'hi descriuen les característiques més rellevants del centre, així com els serveis que ofereix a la comunitat educativa, molt especialment els adreçats a ajudar els infants a millorar les seves capacitats d'aprenentatge, des d'un marc teòric cognitiu-conductual i sistèmic, tot emfatitzant el treball col·laboratiu que mantenen els professionals de l'educació amb les famílies dels nens. El projecte detalla les activitats de col·laboració en la intervenció que he realitzat des de l'àmbit educatiu de la Psicologia, la seva temporització i seguiment i finalment, les conclusions i prospectiva envers el treball realitzat, així com la valoració crítica que en faig de la meva estada en pràctiques.

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abstract: Cape Verde is a country of bilingual characteristics, where coexist two languages: the mother tongue – the Creole of Cape Verde (CCV) or the Capeverdian Language (LCV) and the Non Maternal language – the Portuguese that is the official language and, therefore, the language used in the process of education and learning. This situation generates conflicts so much to linguistic level as to cultural level. The two languages presents some lexical resemblances, what drives, many times, to misconceptions and linguistics errors that complicate children in the learning, in particular, of reading that constitute the base for the learning of others knowledge. The learning of reading, in the Non Maternal language, requires a development of the oral language in Portuguese Language, which stimulates the reasoning of the child through playful exercises and cognitivists and construtivists approaches. In this way, the competences of phonological processing in the acquisition of the competences of reading are important for the discrimination of written text and favor the learning and the development of reading. The child, through the discovery, begins to elaborate concepts in the way to obtain a relation with the written language, by functional form. Adopting a methodology of case study and through questionnaires, direct observation and collect of documentary information, this dissertation presents and analyzes connected aspects to the literacy of capeverdian children in the beginning of the schooling and to the learning of reading as basic support for the learning of Non Maternal language. The subsidies collected by the study, presented in this dissertation will contribute for the education progress of reading and, also, for implement successfully the learning of reading of the students, developing to practical of reading and the expectations in uncover the multiplicity of the dimensions of experience in that domain and contribute for a relative comprehension of written and reading modes.

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abstract: Cape Verde is a country of bilingual characteristics, where coexist two languages: the mother tongue – the Creole of Cape Verde (CCV) or the Capeverdian Language (LCV) and the Non Maternal language – the Portuguese that is the official language and, therefore, the language used in the process of education and learning. This situation generates conflicts so much to linguistic level as to cultural level. The two languages presents some lexical resemblances, what drives, many times, to misconceptions and linguistics errors that complicate children in the learning, in particular, of reading that constitute the base for the learning of others knowledge. The learning of reading, in the Non Maternal language, requires a development of the oral language in Portuguese Language, which stimulates the reasoning of the child through playful exercises and cognitivists and construtivists approaches. In this way, the competences of phonological processing in the acquisition of the competences of reading are important for the discrimination of written text and favor the learning and the development of reading. The child, through the discovery, begins to elaborate concepts in the way to obtain a relation with the written language, by functional form. Adopting a methodology of case study and through questionnaires, direct observation and collect of documentary information, this dissertation presents and analyzes connected aspects to the literacy of capeverdian children in the beginning of the schooling and to the learning of reading as basic support for the learning of Non Maternal language. The subsidies collected by the study, presented in this dissertation will contribute for the education progress of reading and, also, for implement successfully the learning of reading of the students, developing to practical of reading and the expectations in uncover the multiplicity of the dimensions of experience in that domain and contribute for a relative comprehension of written and reading modes.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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En aquest treball s'analitza la manera d'expressar-se dels joves al fòrum del web adolescents.cat des de dos punts de vista. Per una banda, s'analitza la productivitat i recursivitat dels diversos processos de formació d'argot. Per altra banda, s'estudien les alteracions en el codi d'escriptura amb finalitats estilístiques i pràctiques.

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Dentro de las ciencias del lenguaje, el Análisis Crítico del Discurso (ACD) aprovecha las aportaciones de los recientes estudios sobre el texto (análisis del discurso, pragmática, sociolingüística, etnografía de la comunicación, teoría de la enunciación, etc.) para definir los propósitos y la metodología del análisis crítico. Ante el mundo multicultural y globalizado en el que vivimos, la única respuesta educativa posible es la necesidad de formar a una ciudadanía, que tenga habilidades críticas de lectura, escritura y pensamiento y participe de modo constructivo en el desarrollo de una comunidad plural, respetuosa y progresista. El artículo explora en la teoría y en la práctica la lectura crítica, para reflexionar sobre la necesidad de fomentar este tipo de práctica lectora en el aula. Para ejemplificar el funcionamiento de la lectura crítica, se trabajan lingüísticamente desde el ACD algunos fragmentos breves de discurso. Se analiza el grado y el tipo de comprensión lectora crítica que muestran 25 exámenes de universitarios españoles de 20 años, estudiantes de Traducción e Interpretación en la Universidad Pompeu Fabra de Barcelona, que habían tenido 80 horas de instrucción sobre lengua escrita y análisis deldiscurso en castellano y catalán (con varias sesiones sobre Análisis Crítico del Discurso), en las que se habían analizado cooperativamente textos parecidos al propuesto en el examen.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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Tutkimukseni käsittelee suomen kielen sanaston kehitystä 1800-luvulla eli aikana, jolloin suomen kielestä kehittyi monialainen sivistyskieli. Esimerkkiaineistona on yhden erikoisalan, maantieteen sanasto. Suomen kirjakieli syntyi 1500-luvulla, mutta aluksi kirjoitettua kieltä tarvittiin pääasiassa uskonnollisissa yhteyksissä. 1800-luvun aikana kielen käyttöalat monipuolistuivat ja uutta sanastoa tarvittiin monien erikoisalojen tarpeisiin. Ryhdyttiin tietoisesti kääntämään tietokirjallisuutta ja kirjoittamaan eri aiheista. Tutkimukseni selvittää maantieteen sanaston kehittymistä sadassa vuodessa erityisesti maantieteen oppikirjoissa. Tutkimus kuvaa sanaston kehitystä teoreettisesti uudenlaisista lähtökohdista tarkastelemalla leksikaalista variaatiota. Variaatiota on kuvattu tarkasti sekä yksittäisten käsitteiden nimitysten kehityksenä että ilmiönä yleisesti. Tutkimus hyödyntää myös kognitiivista lähestymistapaa, etenkin sosiokognitiivisen terminologian teoriaa. Aineiston analyysin pohjalta syntyy kuva sanaston kehityksestä ja vakiintumisesta. Tutkimus kuvaa myös tapoja, joilla uusia käsitteitä nimettiin. Se pohtii eri nimeämistapojen suhdetta sekä kirjoittajien ja aikalaisten roolia sanaston vakiintumisessa. 1800-luvun maantieteen sanastossa on runsaasti variaatiota; vain harvojen käsitteiden nimitykset ovat vakiintuneita tai vakiintuvat nopeasti. Tämän variaation kuvaaminen leksikaalisena variaationa osoittautui tutkimuksessa hyväksi metodiksi. Koska kirjakieli oli vakiintumatonta, nimityksissä esiintyy paljon kontekstuaalista variaatiota esimerkiksi sanojen kirjoitusasuissa. Kirjoittajat myös pohtivat havainnollista tapaa nimetä käsitteitä, ja tästä aiheutuu onomasiologista variaatiota. Semasiologinen variaatio taas kertoo käsitejärjestelmän vakiintumattomuudesta. Aineiston sanaston lähtökohdat ovat vanhan kirjasuomessa, mutta tältä pohjalta luodaan valtava määrä uutta sanastoa tai otetaan aiemmin kirjakielessä käytettyjä nimityksiä uuteen merkitykseen. Tärkeä rooli on sekä nimitysten muodostamisella kotoisista aineksista että kääntämisellä, jossa malli saadaan toisesta kielestä mutta nimitysten ainekset ovat omaperäisiä.

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Las desigualdades lingüísticas en educación constituyen un problema que puede acentuarse con el cambio de sociedad. Este artículo recupera la teoría de los códigos de Basil Bernstein desde una perspectiva culturalista para aclarar sus aspectos más polémicos y, al mismo tiempo, introducir un nuevo modelo de análisis que pone en relación el capital cultural de las familias con el nivel de desarrollo lingüístico de los adolescentes. Se observa que el nivel de estudios alcanzado por los padres adquiere una notable importancia en el desarrollo de la competencia comunicativa, especialmente en el desarrollo de las habilidades correspondientes al lenguaje escrito en los adolescentes de primer curso de Educación Secundaria Obligatoria.

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Tämän tutkimuksen kohde on suomen kirjoitetun yleiskielen morfosyntaktisten yhdyssanarakenteiden produktiivisuus. Tutkimuksen tärkein päämäärä on selvittää, kuinka ahkerasti erilaisia suomen kielen suomia mahdollisuuksia käytetään uusien yhdyssanojen muodostuksessa. Käytännöllistä produktiivisuutta kartoittava tutkimus täydentää kielioppien ja sanastonkuvausten antamaa kuvaa kielestä. Tutkimuksen kohteena oleva kielimuoto on kaikille kielenkäyttäjille yhteinen kirjoitettu yleiskieli. Tutkimusaineisto koostuu 28 091 uudesta yhdyssanasta, jotka on kerätty painetun median kielestä vuosina 2000–2009. Aineiston pohjana on Kotimaisten kielten keskuksen Nykysuomen sanastotietokanta, johon poimitaan uusia ja uudella tavalla käytettyjä sanoja ensisijaisesti sanakirjatyön ja kielenhuollon tarpeisiin. Tutkimusaihetta lähestytään useiden yhdyssanan osien muotoa, sanaluokkaa, määrää ja pituutta koskevien alakysymysten kautta. Tutkimus etenee yksittäisten muut-tujien käsittelystä muuttujien keskinäisiä suhteita tarkasteleviin malleihin. Tutkimuksessa käytetään kaksivaiheista metodia: Metodin ensimmäinen askel on uudessa sanastossa havaittujen rakenteiden tyyppifrekvenssin tilastollinen analyysi. Toinen askel on varsinkin matalafrekvenssisten tai tilastollisessa analyysissa muuten poikkeavaksi osoittautuneiden rakenteiden kvalitatiivinen tarkastelu. Metodi on kehitetty tätä tutkimusta varten, sillä aiemmin produktiivisuuden mittaamisessa käytetyt menetelmät eivät sellaisenaan sovi suomen kielen yhdyssanarakenteiden tutkimukseen. Tutkimusmetodien kehittäminen on tutkimuksen keskeinen tavoite. Tutkimus osoittaa, että suomen kielen uudet yhdyssanat ovat rakenteeltaan homogeenisempiä, kuin aiempia kielenkuvauksia lukemalla voisi olettaa. Uusi suomen kielen yhdyssana on todennäköisimmin kahdesta substantiivista yhdistämällä muodostettu substantiivi, jonka alkuosa on nominatiivissa eikä kongruoi jälkiosan kanssa. Ennakko-oletusta huomattavasti yleisempiä ovat myös prefiksinkaltaisella alkuosalla alkavat yhdyssanat. Genetiivialkuiset yhdyssanat puolestaan ovat ennakko-oletusta harvinaisempia. Kaikki kieliopillisesti mahdolliset yhdyssanarakenteet eivät ole lainkaan produktiivisia kielenkäytön tasolla. Tutkimus on luonteeltaan kielen rakennetta kartoittavaa perustutkimusta. Tutkimustulosten tärkeimmät sovellusalat ovat kieliteknologia ja sananmuodostuksen opetus. Tutkimus avaa useita näkökulmia jatkotutkimukselle.

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It is estimated that five to ten percent of children experience sensory motor difficulties that result in various learnlng disabilitiies , among them. inabllity to output Information on paper in the appropriate manner (Ayres ,1985). The relationship between sensorimotorabillty and handwriting is well documented in the literature (Freeman,1917; Townsend , 1951; Nlkola-Ll sa, 1987). While much of the literature is inconclusive, there are findings to suggest that muitisensory handwriting programmes are an effective approach to improvlng writing abIlity in these chlldren. For a number of years, Occupational Therapists have been involved in the remediation of handwriting utllizing , amongst other approaches . multisensory programmes. While subjective assessments of effectiveness have been extremerly positive. scientIfic evaluation has been minimal . If further intervention in this area is to occur, it Is essential that the profession be able to justify the existence of such programmes . The purpose of this study was to examine what effects a multlsensory writing prog~am would have on the curslve writing ability of chlldren with sensorimotor dlfficulties. A single case with multiple baselines across be havlours design was used , with the behavlours being cursive writing abilIty of fIve distInct letter groups. The fIve groups were taught in random order, one group every two weeks , In a one-hour session. Repeated measurements of writing speed and qualIty for each letter group were made. This design was repeated over three other cases . Results of the study yielded statistical signifi cance in trend changes In specIfic letter groups for all of the chlldren following interventlon. One child achieved statistical significance In the overall change In quality , while none of the children achieved overall statistical significance In speed score changes . Teacher reports and an assessment of written language prior to and following the program suggest that Intervention may have had a positive effect on self-confidence in written output, and on the maturlty of written expression in some of the cases . Further research in this field is needed to validate the continual use of multisensory writing programmes by Occupational Theraplsts worklng with this specific population and to provide some directlon with regards to the Integration of multlsensory writing programmes within the regular academic remedial programme .

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La présente thèse a pour objectif d’étudier le rôle des facteurs cognitifs (traitement phonologique et visuoattentionnel et mémoire lexicale orthographique) dans l’acquisition des connaissances orthographiques implicites et explicites. Afin d’examiner les liens entre les différents facteurs cognitifs et les connaissances orthographiques, une étude longitudinale a été réalisée à l’aide d’un échantillon de 338 enfants suivis de la maternelle 5 ans à la fin de la deuxième année du primaire. À la fin de la maternelle, les enfants ont été évalués à l’aide d’une épreuve d’orthographe approchée et d’épreuves évaluant les facteurs cognitifs en jeu dans l’apprentissage du langage écrit (traitement phonologique, traitement visuoattentionnel et mémoire à court et à long terme). Les connaissances lexicales orthographiques explicites de ces mêmes enfants ont été évaluées en fin de première et de deuxième années. Le premier article de cette thèse rapporte les données d’une étude réalisée auprès des enfants scolarisés en maternelle 5 ans. Cette étude vise l’établissement d’un lien entre, d’une part, la capacité de traitement phonologique, visuoattentionnel et de mémoire lexicale orthographique et, d’autre part, les connaissances orthographiques implicites des enfants qui n’ont pas encore eu d’enseignement formel de l’écriture. Les résultats indiquent que, contrairement à ce qui a été longtemps avancé, la capacité de traitement phonologique n’est pas le seul facteur cognitif à intervenir, puisque la capacité de mémoire lexicale orthographique à long terme ainsi que la capacité visuoattentionnelle contribuent de façon importante et indépendante à l’acquisition des connaissances orthographiques implicites des enfants de la maternelle 5 ans. La mémoire lexicale orthographique est même le facteur qui apporte la plus forte contribution. La deuxième étude de cette thèse vise à déterminer, parmi les facteurs cognitifs évalués en maternelle, celui ou ceux qui permettent de prédire les connaissances orthographiques explicites ultérieures, c'est-à-dire celles de première et de deuxième années du primaire. Les résultats de cette deuxième étude indiquent que les préalables nécessaires à l’acquisition des connaissances orthographiques lexicales sont les capacités de traitement phonologique ainsi que les capacités de la mémoire à court et à long terme. La troisième étude de cette thèse a pour but de mettre en lumière le rôle prédictif que joue le niveau des connaissances orthographiques des enfants de maternelle quant au niveau ultérieur de leurs connaissances orthographiques en première et deuxième années, en lien avec les capacités cognitives qui sous-tendent l’apprentissage du langage écrit, en particulier le traitement phonologique, le traitement visuoattentionnel et la mémoire lexicale orthographique. Les résultats de cette dernière étude permettent de montrer que, parmi les facteurs évalués en maternelle, le niveau des connaissances orthographiques implicites apporte une contribution unique à l’ensemble du niveau des connaissances orthographiques ultérieures. L’influence des connaissances orthographiques précoces sur l’acquisition ultérieure n’est pas surprenante. En effet, la première étude avait montré que le niveau de ces connaissances est fonction non seulement de la capacité de mémoire orthographique lexicale mais également de la capacité de traitement phonologique et visuottentionnel. Les résultats issus de ces trois études présentent un intérêt non négligeable dans la compréhension de l’acquisition du langage écrit. En effet, ces recherches ont permis de montrer qu’avant même l’apprentissage formel de l’écrit, l’enfant témoigne de connaissances implicites non négligeables sur la langue écrite et que c’est à partir de ces connaissances que s’élaboreront ses connaissances explicites ultérieures. Ces connaissances sont tributaires de multiples facteurs parmi lesquels la capacité de mémoire lexicale orthographique, facteur cognitif dont la contribution n’avait pas été démontrée jusqu’à présent. Les résultats de cette recherche montrent qu’il est possible d’envisager des outils de dépistage précoce qui permettront d’identifier les enfants à risque de présenter des difficultés spécifiques d’apprentissage du langage écrit. Ce dépistage permettrait de mettre en place des interventions mieux ciblées et précoces, ce qui réduirait ainsi l’impact des difficultés sur les apprentissages scolaires.

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Le phénomène de la création dans le cadre d’un discours sur la création – la production littéraire et artistique – ne va pas de soi. La tâche de le circonscrire comme un objet est antinomique : l’expérience du discours est en soi une création. Alors que le langage écrit semble au plus souvent «supprimer» l’auteur, le processus de création implique un «Je» créateur qui pense, qui se transforme, qui vit et dont la pensée s’imbrique à son objet qui, quant à lui, est «supprimé»; car il n’est pas extérieur à la pensée mais en relation avec elle. Ce travail, qui démontre le rapport complexe entre l’objet, la critique, le sujet et le commentaire, se penche donc sur l’«avant», le «pendant» et l’«après» de la création, dans un acte de mémoire, qui découle d’une performance littéraire sur la création. Des forces motrices informes et inconscientes, à la mise en forme jusqu’à la transmission, qui lui redonne un caractère d’informe, la création est en mouvement, comme le savoir est toujours prisonnier d’un «work in progress». Tributaire d’Antonin Artaud, le texte s’inscrit à partir de l’artiste en guise d’archétype existentiel, et s’y réfère constamment pour témoigner de la création sans la détacher de la vie et de ses expériences. Pour accéder au mystère du processus de création, lié à la pensée subjective, inobjectivable et irréductible au discours linéaire, ce travail met l’accent sur les associations de la pensée qui procède, exprimées par un «Je» exemplaire omniprésent, tatoué par l’expérience, mais à la position ambiguë à titre d’auteur. Processus de vie, de pensée et de création sont non seulement entremêlés, mais traversés par le champ du tout autre, historique, mondial et social, en perpétuelle évolution. Le rôle du créateur n’est pas de ne créer qu’à partir des connaissances extérieures à lui, mais à partir de lui-même – de son moi multiple et de sa pensée imprégnée de lectures et de ce qui le traverse et l’habite dans un temps donné – pour aboutir à la mise en forme d’un texte cohérent, d’une gravure particulière de l’esprit en marche vers le savoir, qui se situe toujours dans le devenir.