938 resultados para Working class women
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In the Iron Range Strike of 1916, working-class wives picketed alongside their husbands in a conflict-ridden and dangerous setting. Mine deputies abused immigrant women on the picket lines and in their homes, with several disquieting reports receiving statewide attention in Minnesota. Many middle-class reformers in the Twin Cities grew sympathetic to the plight of northern mining families and became controversially involved the labor struggle. Some middleclass women worked alongside working-class wives and radical organizers from the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). At the center of this gendered analysis is the cross-class cooperation between an upper-middle class woman, Lenora Austin Hamlin, a radical reformer, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, and the story of a working-class housewife, Mikla Masonovich. This study will ask how authentic, prevalent, and unproblematic their stories of cross-class cohesive action actually were. In answering this, it will address and identify those factors that impeded women’s potential for unity. “Flash in the Pan” argues that as a result of both real and perceived differences, these networks of women remained isolated, inhibiting each from gaining sufficient power to work cohesively, and marginalizing their influence. Drawing upon a variety of sources, including media representations in newspapers, and archives of social, labor and women’s organizations, this regional study lends state-level insight into the larger gender-labor historiography.
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by Louise C. Odencrantz.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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From early 1950s to the early 1970s Britain is said to have experienced an ‘age of affluence’. Whilst material conditions for many households improved in these decades, this detailed examination of budget management processes shows that for many working-class households, these gains were the product of hard work and careful money management. Using oral history methodology, this thesis explores lived experiences of the household economy to illuminate these qualifications to ‘affluence’. In so doing, this thesis advances analysis which considers the relationship between the macro-level economic conditions of affluence and the everyday economic realities of households in the post-war period. The thesis examines the operation of the household economy and shows how working-class households utilised domestic labour, budgeting, paid work, credit and thrift to make ends meet, as well as to achieve ‘affluence’. Further, by exploring these areas of the household economy, this thesis shows that gendered ideology continued to preserve power and material inequalities between men and women. Although considerable change did occur, particularly involvement in the paid labour market, domestic responsibilities continued to be an important focus of women’s identities and the effective performance of these duties by women remained central to the success of the household. This thesis represents a fresh focus on how the exploration of everyday life, including the salience of ideological continuities in shaping experience, can qualify and refine our understanding of twentieth century economic and social change, and contributes to socio-historical understandings of ‘affluence’ and its intersections with the household, gender, and class.
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Attitudes to the fundamental economic institutions of capitalism, private ownership of productive property, markets as arenas for securing economic outcomes, and working class rights to associate and to strike, are key dimensions of class consciousness. This paper investigates how class location shapes these attitudes in combination with other factors like employment sector and trade union membership. Using data from the 1995 National Social Science Survey, the paper finds systematic class variation on attitudes to economic institutions that is consistent with respondents endorsing or rejecting class-specific strategies of interest realisation according to their own class circumstances. On some attitudes, class structural effects are additionally moderated by organisational norms associated with public sector employment and mediated by the impact of trade union membership.
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The study, part of the project "Atherosclerotic cardiovascular diseases, lipemic disorders, hypertension, obesity and diabetis mellitus in a population of the metropolitan area of the southeastern region of Brazil", had the following objectives: a) the characterization and distribution among typical human socio-economic groupings, of the prevalence of some particular habits which constitute aspects of life-style-the use of tobacco, the use of alcohol and sedentary activity; b) the establishment of the interrelation between the above-mentioned habits and some lipemic disorders. The prevalence of the habits cited behaved in the following manner: the use of tobacco predominated among men, distributed uniformly throughout the social strata; among the women the average percentage of smokers was 18,9%, a significant difference occurring among the highest socio-economic class, where the average was of 40.2%. The sedentary style of life presented high prevalence, among both men and women with exception of the women of the highest socio-economic level and of the skilled working class. The use of alcohol, as one would expect, is a habit basically practised by the men, without any statistically significant differences between classes. For the purpose of establishing associations between these risk fictors and lipemic conditions four situations were chosen, of the following characteristics: 1- total cholesterol > or = 220 mg/dl and triglycerides > or = 150 mg/dl; 2- HDL cholesterol <35 mg/dl for men and <45 mg/dl for women and triglycerides levels > or = 150 mg/dl; 3- HDL cholesterol <35 mg/dl for men and <45 mg/dl for women and triglycerides levels <150 mg/dl; 4- total cholesterol 220 mg/dl with triglycerides levels <150 mg/dl. Six models of multiple (backward) regression were established, with seven independent variables- age, sex, use of tobacco, consumption of alcohol, light physical activity, hypertension and obesity. Significant associations (P<0,05) were revealed with hypercholesterolemia, accompanied by triglyceride levels > or = 150 mg/dl, and the following independent variables: age, use of tobacco and the interactions between obesity and smoking, age and sedentary lifestyle, sex and obesity (R2=22%); the standardized B coefficient showed that the variables with the greatest weight in the forecasting of the variation in the levels of cholesterol were smoking and the interaction between obesity and smoking. The hypercholesterolemia accompanied by triglycerides levels <150 mg/dl showed a positive association between total cholesterol and sex and the interactions obesity/smoking and sex/obesity. As regards HDL cholesterol accompanied by triglyceride/ levels > or = 150 mg/dl was inversely associated with obesity and the interaction smoking/ age and directly with age (R=31%). The standardized B coeffients, indicated that the variables obesity and the interactions smoking/age possessed a weight three times greater than age alone in accounting for the variation in the serum levels of HDL cholesterol. When accompanied by triglycerides <150 mg/dl there was no association between and the independent variables and the set of them presented R equal to 22%. The sum of top, in the population stutied in this project, the component habits of life-style (smoking, alcohol consumption and sedentary activity) which constitute risk factors which determine morbidity from atherosclerotic cardiovascular diseases are be found distributed through all the typical social groupings of this particular form of social organization. On the other hand, the seven independent variables used in the multiple regression models for the explanation of the lipemic conditions considered presented multiple determination coefficients which varied, approximately, between 20% and 30%. Thus it is important that in the genetic epidemiology the study of the morbidities in question be emphasized.
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This paper deals whit the dynamics of the Catalan textile labour market (theSpanish region that concentrated most of the industrial and factory activity duringthe 19 Century) and offers hypotheses and results on the impact it had on livingstandards and fertility levels. We observe the formation of an uneven labourmarket in which male supply for labour (excluding women and children) grewmuch faster than the demand. We stress the fact that labour supply is verydependant on institutional factors liked to the transmition of household propertybetween generations. Instead the slow path of growth of adult males demand forlabour is witnessing the limits of this industry to expand and to compete ininternational markets. The strategy of working class families to adapt to scarceopportunities of employment we document here is the diminution of legitimatefertility levels. Fertility control is the direct instrument we think workers have tocontrol their number in a situation that was likely to create labour surpluses in theshort and mid run.
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This chapter argues that the electoral competition between the New Left and the Radical Right is best understood as a cultural divide anchored in different class constituencies. Based on individual-level data from the European Social Survey, we analyze the links between voters' class position, their economic and cultural preferences and their party choice for four small and affluent European countries. We find a striking similarity in the class pattern across countries. Everywhere, the New Left attracts disproportionate support from socio-cultural professionals and presents a clear-cut middle-class profile, whereas the Radical Right is most successful among production and service workers and receives least support from professionals. In general, the Radical Right depends on the votes of lowereducated men and older citizens and has turned into a new type of working-class party. However, its success within the working-class is not due to economic, but to cultural issues. The voters of the Radical Right collide with those of the New Left over a cultural conflict of identity and community - and not over questions of redistribution. A full-grown cleavage has thus emerged in the four countries under study, separating a libertarian-universalistic pole from an authoritarian-communitarian pole and going along with a process of class realignment.
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This article examines the women's quota at the local governance level in urban India, using several case studies of women municipal councillors, to question the evidently low numbers of poor and marginalised women amongst them. It examines issues of class, caste, and religion that have a direct impact on the access of poor women to quotas reserved for them at the local government level. The objective of this work is to draw attention to the specific ways in which women are constrained at the pre-election stage, resulting in an elite capture of the women's quota in India, indicating the need for further research and study on this issue.
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The aim of this study was to analyse mothers’ working time patterns across 22 European countries. The focus was on three questions: how much mothers prefer to work, how much they actually work, and to what degree their preferred and actual working times are (in)consistent with each other. The focus was on cross-national differences in mothers’ working time patterns, comparison of mothers’ working times to that of childless women and fathers, as well as on individual- and country-level factors that explain the variation between them. In the theoretical background, the departure point was an integrative theoretical approach where the assumption is that there are various kinds of explanations for the differences in mothers’ working time patterns – namely structural, cultural and institutional – , and that these factors are laid in two levels: individual- and country-levels. Data were extracted from the European Social Survey (ESS) 2010 / 2011. The results showed that mothers’ working time patterns, both preferred and actual working times, varied across European countries. Four clusters were formed to illustrate the differences. In the full-time pattern, full-time work was the most important form of work, leaving all other working time forms marginal. The full-time pattern was perceived in terms of preferred working times in Bulgaria and Portugal. In polarised pattern countries, fulltime work was also important, but it was accompanied by a large share of mothers not working at all. In the case of preferred working times, many Eastern and Southern European countries followed it whereas in terms of actual working times it included all Eastern and Southern European countries as well as Finland. The combination pattern was characterised by the importance of long part-time hours and full-time work. It was the preferred working time pattern in the Nordic countries, France, Slovenia, and Spain, but Belgium, Denmark, France, Norway, and Sweden followed it in terms of actual working times. The fourth cluster that described mothers’ working times was called the part-time pattern, and it was illustrated by the prevalence of short and long part-time work. In the case of preferred working times, it was followed in Belgium, Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Besides Belgium, the part-time pattern was followed in the same countries in terms of actual working times. The consistency between preferred and actual working times was rather strong in a majority of countries. However, six countries fell under different working time patterns when preferred and actual working times were compared. Comparison of working mothers’, childless women’s, and fathers’ working times showed that differences between these groups were surprisingly small. It was only in part-time pattern countries that working mothers worked significantly shorter hours than working childless women and fathers. Results therefore revealed that when mothers’ working times are under study, an important question regarding the population examined is whether it consists of all mothers or only working mothers. Results moreover supported the use of the integrative theoretical approach when studying mothers’ working time patterns. Results indicate that mothers’ working time patterns in all countries are shaped by various opportunities and constraints, which are comprised of structural, cultural, institutional, and individual-level factors.
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En tant qu'acteur important de la vie politique québécoise, le mouvement des femmes a réussi à garantir de nouveaux droits pour les femmes et a fortement contribué à améliorer leurs conditions de vie. Cependant, son incapacité à reconnaître et à prendre en compte les expériences particulières des femmes qui vivent de multiple discriminations a été critiquée entre autres par les femmes autochtones, les femmes de couleur, les femmes immigrantes, les lesbiennes et les femmes handicapées. Par exemple, dans les 40 dernières années, un nombre croissant de femmes immigrantes et racisées se sont organisées en parallèle au mouvement pour défendre leurs intérêts spécifiques. Dans ce mémoire, je me penche sur la façon dont le mouvement des femmes québécois a répondu à leurs demandes de reconnaissance et adapté ses pratiques pour inclure les femmes de groupes ethniques et raciaux minoritaires. Bien que la littérature sur l'intersectionalité ait fourni de nombreuses critiques des tentatives des mouvements sociaux d'inclure la diversité, seulement quelques recherches se sont penchées sur la façon dont les organisations tiennent compte, dans leurs pratiques et discours, des identités et intérêts particuliers des groupes qui sont intersectionnellement marginalisés. En me basant sur la littérature sur l'instersectionnalité et les mouvements sociaux, j'analyse un corpus de 24 entretiens effectués auprès d'activistes travaillant dans des associations de femmes au Québec afin d'observer comment elles comprennent et conceptualisent les différences ethniques et raciales et comment cela influence en retour leurs stratégies d'inclusion. Je constate que la façon dont les activistes conceptualisent l'interconnexion des rapports de genre et de race/ethnicité en tant qu'axes d'oppression des femmes a un impact sur les plateformes politiques des organisations, sur les stratégies qu'elles mettent de l'avant pour favoriser l'inclusion et l'intégration des femmes immigrantes et racisées et sur leur capacité à travailler en coalition.
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Ma thèse examine quatre romans de l`époque post-1960 qui s’appuient sur le genre de la littérature prolétarienne du début du vingtième siècle. Se basant sur les recherches récentes sur la littérature de la classe ouvrière, je propose que Pynchon, Doctorow, Ondaatje et Sweatman mettent en lumière les thèmes souvent négligés de cette classe tout en restant esthétiquement progressiste et pertinents. Afin d’explorer les aspects politiques et formels de ces romans, j’utilise la « midfiction », le concept d’Allen Wilde. Ce concept vise les textes qui utilisent les techniques postmodernes et qui acceptent la primauté de la surface, mais qui néanmoins essaient d’être référentiels et d’établir des vérités. Le premier chapitre de ma thèse propose que les romans prolétariens contemporains que j’ai choisis utilisent des stratégies narratives généralement associées avec le postmodernisme, telles que la métafiction, l’ironie et une voix narrative « incohérente », afin de contester l’autorité des discours dominants, notamment les histoires officielles qui ont tendance à minimiser l’importance des mouvements ouvriers. Le deuxième chapitre examine comment les romanciers utilisent des stratégies mimétiques afin de réaliser un facteur de crédibilité qui permet de lier les récits aux des réalités historiques concrètes. Me référant à mon argument du premier chapitre, j’explique que ces romanciers utilisent la référentialité et les voix narratives « peu fiables » et « incohérentes », afin de politiser à nouveau la lutte des classes de la fin du dix-neuvième et des premières décennies du vingtième siècles et de remettre en cause un sens strict de l’histoire empirique. Se basant sur les théories évolutionnistes de la sympathie, le troisième chapitre propose que les représentations des personnages de la classe dirigeante riche illustrent que les structures sociales de l’époque suscitent un sentiment de droit et un manque de sympathie chez les élites qui les font adopter une attitude quasi-coloniale vis-à-vis de la classe ouvrière. Le quatrième chapitre aborde la façon dont les romans en considération négocient les relations entre les classes sociales, la subjectivité et l’espace. Cette section analyse comment, d’un côté, la représentation de l’espace montre que le pouvoir se manifeste au bénéfice de la classe dirigeante, et de l’autre, comment cet espace est récupéré par les ouvriers radicaux et militants afin d’avancer leurs intérêts. Le cinquième chapitre explore comment les romans néo-prolétariens subvertissent ironiquement les tropes du genre prolétarien précédent, ce qui exprimerait l’ambivalence politique et le cynisme généralisé de la fin du vingtième siècle.
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À l'ère de la mondialisation, où la matrice capitaliste continue de dominer, la classification dans les groupes se définit encore en termes de classes, de genres et d'ethnicité. Les transformations causées par la mondialisation actuelle entraînent de nouveaux modes de production, qui à leur tour transforment les modes de définition et de régulation des populations. Le projet d'exploitation du Nord du Québec est un phénomène relativement récent; or, le processus de construction d'une classe sociale n'est pas un phénomène nouveau. La formation des classes sociales étant toujours en évolution, il semble aujourd'hui pertinent de réexaminer les facteurs économiques, sociologiques et historiques des caractéristiques théoriques nécessaires à la construction et à la représentation d'une classe sociale dont l'existence est liée à l'exploitation accrue des richesses naturelles, la classe ouvrière du Nord du Québec. À Fermont, dans le Nord du Québec, les compagnies minières emploient depuis 2011 une grande quantité de travailleurs québécois provenant de l'extérieur de la région, des travailleurs permanents non- résidents. Ainsi, la structure sociale construite sur la force de travailleurs locaux est aux prises avec de nouvelles dynamiques de mobilité sociale géographique. Au travail, les femmes et les autochtones sont aussi affectés par les relations des systèmes de pouvoir de la vie quotidienne, car les emplois de l'industrie minière et du domaine de la construction sont socialement et historiquement fondés sur des capitaux sociaux et culturels (blanc et homme). La classe ouvrière du Nord du Québec est redéfinit par son rapport à la migration géographique des travailleurs permanents non- résidents, par ses relations avec les minorités de genre et les minorités autochtones, relations qui engendrent une organisation sociale complexe et hétérogène.
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Silence et soumission aux valeurs patriarcales dominantes : ainsi peut être brossée dans son ensemble et sans pour autant la déformer l’image de la condition féminine encore pleinement opérante à la fin du XIXe siècle et au début du XXe siècle en France. La femme, ouvrière, bourgeoise ou noble, est destinée à la maternité, et ses désirs sont méprisés au profit de ceux de son (futur) époux. En littérature cependant, à partir de Madame Bovary (1857) et parallèlement à la montée timide du féminisme, apparaissent plusieurs figures féminines éminemment tragiques qui contestent la condition féminine. Louise Marles, Véronique Cheminot, Mouchette et Thérèse Desqueyroux – et tant d’autres encore… – sont autant de (jeunes) personnages féminins qui rejettent plus ou moins violemment la mise sous tutelle de la femme et l’impossibilité d’avoir un statut social et juridique accepté en dehors du mariage. Pourtant, parce qu’en ces figures de femme – et souvent malgré elles – refuse de se taire une torturante aspiration à la liberté, elles sont fatalement vouées à la folie et à la mort, deviennent prostituées, criminelles, internées ou suicidaires, voire les quatre. Selon nous, la folie est l’état dans lequel ces personnages féminins s’enlisent car ils remettent profondément en question les valeurs établies par des hommes et pour des hommes. Nous pensons que la folie est le moyen littéraire utilisé par les écrivains pour montrer l’ampleur de leur souffrance existentielle et son unique langage possible ; en ce sens, la folie serait la représentation extérieure d’une écrasante souffrance morale et psychologique. Enfin, la possession diabolique est une autre cause portée par Bernanos pour répondre à la question de la folie des femmes. Notre étude portera sur quatre figures tragiques de personnages féminins imaginées par quatre écrivains catholiques : Louise dans En rade (Huysmans, 1887), Véronique dans Le Désespéré (Léon Bloy, 1887), Mouchette dans Sous le soleil de Satan (Bernanos, 1926) et Thérèse Desqueyroux dans le roman éponyme de Mauriac (1927).
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In the present study made an attempt to analyse the structure, performance and growth of women industrial cooperatives in kannur district, Kerala. The study encompasses all women industrial cooperatives registered at the district industries center, kannur and that currently exist. The women industrial cooperatives are classified into two ie; group with network and another group without network. In Kannur there are 54 units working as women industrial cooperatives. One of the main problems the women cooperatives face is the lack of working capital followed marketing problem. The competition between cooperatives and private traders is very high. The variables examined to analyse the performance of women industrial cooperatives in Kannur showed that there exists inter unit differences in almost all the variables. The financial structure structure shows that the short term liquidity of women cooperatives in Kannur favour more the units which have political networks; but the long term financial coverage is seen to be highly geared in this group, not because of a decline is net worth but due to highly proportionate increase in financial liabilities in the form of borrowings. The encouragement given by the government through financial stake and other incentives has been the major factor in the formation and growth of women cooperatives. As a result both productivity and efficiency improves in the cooperatives. In short the present study helped to capture the impact, role and dynamics of networking in general and socio political network in particular in relation to intra and inter unit differences on the structure, growth and performance of women industrial cooperatives societies in Kannur district