Gone with the Wind and the Southern Way of Life: the Civil War as described in Margaret Mitchell’s Novel

This essay examines the American Civil War of 1861 – 1865, which is also known as the bloodiest war that the United States has ever experienced. The pretext for the war was the abolition of slavery in the South, and after many battles the Southern states lost: as a consequence, they experienced major changes in their economic and social life. This interesting piece from American history can be traced out throughout the characters’ lives in the novel Gone with the Wind which has been thoroughly analyzed in order to draw nearer and to comprehend the changes in the Southern way of life before and after the war. The author, Margaret Mitchell, was born in Atlanta, Georgia, and grew up with the stories about the war. As a result, Gone with the Wind studies not only its causes, but also the years after its end – a period which is not generally a subject of history and receives little attention – and the effects that such reversals have on former planters and slaves. From the position of contemporaneity, the reader can see that such changes in a society do not end with the laying down of an act, or in this case the end of the war, but they continue during many years; thus, the modern world can draw conclusions and lessons for events that are happening at the moment.

War and National Renewal: Civil Religion and Blood Sacrifice in American Culture

Wars are often associated with a rhetoric of renewal or new beginnings. This essay explores this claim through the lens of civil religion and a recent book by Carolyn Marvin and David Ingle, Blood Sacrifice and the Nation, which combines Emile Durkheim with Réné Girard in proposing that modern national cohesion depends on blood sacrifice. I unpack some of the paradoxes raised by this theory of national renewal in the context of 9/11, with a special focus on the sacred status of the flag and the special attention given to uniformed serviceman in the American body politic.

The Global War on Terrorism in the Horn of Africa

Ever since Siad Barre’s regime was toppled in the beginning of the 1990’s Somalia has been without an effective central government. As a result Somalia has remained in an anarchic condition of state collapse for nearly two decades. This anarchy has often been put forward as a potential breeding ground for terrorism. As a response to this threat the United States has undertaken several policies, initiatives, and operations in the Horn of Africa generally and in Somalia specifically. In this descriptive study a twofold analysis has been undertaken. First, conditions in present day Somalia as well as Somali history have been analyzed to evaluate the potential Somalia holds as a terrorist base of operations or a recruiting- or staging area. Second, US strategies and actions have been analyzed to evaluate the adequacy of the US response to the threat Somalia poses in terms of terrorism. Material for the analyses have been derived from anthropological, political, and security studies dealing with Somalia. This material has been augmented by a wide range of news coverage, western and non-western. Certain different US policy documents from different levels have been chosen to represent US strategies for the Global War on Terrorism. Because Somali social institutions, such as the clan system, hold great weight in Somali society, Somalia is a difficult area of operations for terrorist networks. In addition the changing nature of Somali alliances and the tangled webs of conflict that characterize present day Somalia aggravate the difficulties that foreign terrorist networks would encounter in Somalia, would they choose to try to utilize it in any great extent. The US has taken potential terrorism threats in Africa and specifically Somalia very seriously. US actions in Somalia have mainly focused on apprehending or neutralizing terror suspects. Such policies, coupled with backing the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia may have actually turned out increasing Somalia’s terror potential.

Letters from the War of Ecosystems – An Analysis of Independent Software Vendors in Mobile Application Marketplaces

The recent emergence of a new generation of mobile application marketplaces has changed the business in the mobile ecosystems. The marketplaces have gathered over a million applications by hundreds of thousands of application developers and publishers. Thus, software ecosystems—consisting of developers, consumers and the orchestrator—have emerged as a part of the mobile ecosystem. This dissertation addresses the new challenges faced by mobile application developers in the new ecosystems through empirical methods. By using the theories of two-sided markets and business ecosystems as the basis, the thesis assesses monetization and value creation in the market as well as the impact of electronic Word-of-Mouth (eWOM) and developer multihoming— i. e. contributing for more than one platform—in the ecosystems. The data for the study was collected with web crawling from the three biggest marketplaces: Apple App Store, Google Play and Windows Phone Store. The dissertation consists of six individual articles. The results of the studies show a gap in monetization among the studied applications, while a majority of applications are produced by small or micro-enterprises. The study finds only weak support for the impact of eWOM on the sales of an application in the studied ecosystem. Finally, the study reveals a clear difference in the multi-homing rates between the top application developers and the rest. This has, as discussed in the thesis, an impact on the future market analyses—it seems that the smart device market can sustain several parallel application marketplaces.

News in the age of empire : two war scandals

This thesis argues that the motivations underpinning the mainstream news media have fundamentally changed in the 21 sl century. As such, the news is no longer best understood as a tool for propaganda or agenda setting; instead it seems that the news is only motivated by the flow of global network capitalism. The author contrasts the work of Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman with that of Gilles Deleuze. Chomsky and Herman's 'Propaganda Model' has been influential within the fields of media studies and popular culture. The 'propaganda model' states that the concentration of ownership of the media has allowed the media elite to exert a disproportionate amount of influence over the mass media. Deleuze, on the other hand, regards the mass media as being yet another cog within the global capitalist mechanism, and is therefore separate from ideology or propaganda. The author proposes that 'propaganda' is no longer a sufficient word to describe the function of the news as terms like 'propaganda' imply some form of national sovereignty or governmental influence. To highlight how the news has 'changed from an instrument of propaganda to an instrument of accumulation, the author compares and contrasts the· coverage of the Abu Ghraib Prison Scandal with that of the Haditha Civilian Massacre. Although similar in nature, the author proposes that the Abu Ghraib Prison Scandal received a disproportionate amount of coverage within the mainstream press because of its exciting and sensational nature.

The great asymmetry : America's closest allies in times of war

This dissertation focuses on military cooperation between the United States and its special allies. It argues that alliance expectations determine the level of military cooperation, while two intervening variables - the level of government cohesion and military capabilities - determine its implementation. This study also shows how secondary states deploy strategies to overcome power asymmetries through bilateral concessions, international organizations and by appealing to principle. The focus of the research is on special allies, as they have the most to gain or lose by going along with American plans. My contention is that secondary allies can rarely influence the dominant ally decisively, but they can act autonomously and resist to pressures exerted by the stronger alliance partner. The argument builds on three central claims. First, power asymmetries between allies translate into different assessments of international threats. Second, when disagreements over threats arise, the outcome of intra-alliance bargaining is not necessarily dictated by the preferences of the stronger power. Third, secondary states, as opposed to the dominant partner, face unique constraints when facing major foreign policy decisions, i.e. they face a trade-off between establishing a credible reputation as an alliance partner in a politically feasible way while minimizing domestic audience costs. To examine the theoretical puzzle presented by asymmetric military cooperation, I introduce a causal explanation that builds on neoclassical realism, to zone in on the interaction between systemic and domestic variables. My research makes a contribution to alliance theory and foreign policy decision-making by studying how special allies respond to American decisions in times of threat and how systemic constraints are channeled through state-level variables. To investigate the causal link between threat perception, alliance expectations and domestic constraints, this study relies on the method of structured focused comparison with three detailed case studies. The focus is on the initial decision made by special allies regarding whether or not to participle in joint mobilization with the United States. The decision-making process is presented from the perspective of secondary allied states and measures the explanatory factors that motivated the decision on military cooperation. The case studies are the UK, Canada and Australia’s response to the war in Afghanistan and the war in Iraq during the period of 2001 to 2003.

Alliance Politics in Hybrid Regimes : Political Stability and Instability since World War II

Cette thèse étudie la stabilité et l’instabilité politique des régimes hybrides. Elle pose la question suivante : dans quelles conditions l’autorité des élites au pouvoir est-elle reconnue ou contestée? Notre réponse s’articule en lien avec le caractère inclusif ou exclusif de la coalition dirigeante : c’est-à-dire, l’alliance stratégique des élites dirigeantes avec les groupes sociaux dominants. L’inclusion de ces derniers favorise le consentement et la stabilité; leur exclusion entraîne l’affrontement et l’instabilité politique. Sa composition dépend (i) du degré de violence organisée extra-légale et (ii) du degré de pénétration de l’État sur le territoire et dans l’économie. La première variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (militaires) ou du régime (partis d’opposition) est dominant et influence les formes de communication politique avec les élites dirigeantes. La deuxième variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (fonctionnaires) ou de la société (chefs locaux) est dominant et oriente les rapports entre les régions et le pouvoir central. L’apport de la recherche est d’approfondir notre compréhension des institutions politiques dans les régimes hybrides en mettant l’accent sur l’identité des groupes sociaux dominants dans un contexte donné. La thèse propose un modèle simple, flexible et original permettant d’appréhender des relations causales autrement contre-intuitives. En ce sens, la stabilité politique est également possible dans un pays où l’État est faible et/ou aux prises avec des mouvements de rébellion; et l’instabilité dans un contexte inverse. Tout dépend de la composition de la coalition dirigeante. Afin d’illustrer les liens logiques formulés et d’exposer les nuances de notre théorie, nous employons une analyse historique comparative de la coalition dirigeante en Malaisie (1957-2010), en Indonésie (1945-1998), au Sénégal (1960-2010) et au Paraguay (1945-2008). La principale conclusion est que les deux variables sont incontournables. L’une sans l’autre offre nécessairement une explication incomplète des alliances politiques qui forgent les conditions de stabilité et d'instabilité dans les régimes hybrides.

Arguments by definition : Felipe Calderón’s war on drugs and the power to persuade

Les études rhétoriques ont documenté la pertinence de la rhétorique présidentielle et le pouvoir du président de définir les enjeux publics par le discours. Cette recherche porte sur les pratiques rhétoriques par lesquelles l'ancien président mexicain Calderón a défini la lutte contre la drogue qui a caractérisé son administration. Je soutiens que Calderón a avancé une définition du problème de la drogue par des pratiques de définition telles que l'association, la dissociation et les symboles de condensation. Mon analyse 1) identifie les pratiques rhétoriques de définition qui ont caractérisé la lutte à la drogue de Calderón; 2) examine les implications de ces pratiques; et 3) aborde les limites auxquelles les politiciens font face en tentant de modifier des définitions préalablement avancées. En conclusion, j’explique comment les métaphores et les pratiques de définition de Calderón ont ouvert un espace rhétorique où les droits humains pouvaient être révoqués et la violence encouragée.

Studies of cap-independent mRNA translation in Drosophila melanogaster

Control of protein synthesis is a key step in the regulation of gene expression during apoptosis and the heat shock response. Under such conditions, cap-dependent translation is impaired and Internal Ribosome Entry Site (IRES)-dependent translation plays a major role in mammalian cells. Although the role of IRES-dependent translation during apoptosis has been mainly studied in mammals, its role in the translation of Drosophila apoptotic genes has not been yet studied. The observation that the Drosophila mutant embryos for the cap-binding protein, the eukaryotic initiation factor eIF4E, exhibits increased apoptosis in correlation with up-regulated proapoptotic gene reaper (rpr) transcription constitutes the first evidence for the existence of a cap-independent mechanism for the translation of Drosophila proapoptotic genes. The mechanism of translation of rpr and other proapoptotic genes was investigated in this work. We found that the 5 UTR of rpr mRNA drives translation in an IRES-dependent manner. It promotes the translation of reporter RNAs in vitro either in the absence of cap, in the presence of cap competitors, or in extracts derived from heat shocked and eIF4E mutant embryos and in vivo in cells transfected with reporters bearing a non functional cap structure, indicating that cap recognition is not required in rpr mRNA for translation. We also show that rpr mRNA 5 UTR exhibits a high degree of similarity with that of Drosophila heat shock protein 70 mRNA (hsp70), an antagonist of apoptosis, and that both are able to conduct IRES-mediated translation. The proapoptotic genes head involution defective (hid) and grim, but not sickle, also display IRES activity. Studies of mRNA association to polysomes in embryos indicate that both rpr, hsp70, hid and grim endogenous mRNAs are recruited to polysomes in embryos in which apoptosis or thermal stress was induced. We conclude that hsp70 and, on the other hand, rpr, hid and grim which are antagonizing factors during apoptosis, use a similar mechanism for protein synthesis. The outcome for the cell would thus depend on which protein is translated under a given stress condition. Factors involved in the differential translation driven by these IRES could play an important role. For this purpose, we undertook the identification of the ribonucleoprotein (RNP) complexes assembled onto the 5 UTR of rpr mRNA. We established a tobramycin-affinity-selection protocol that allows the purification of specific RNP that can be further analyzed by mass spectrometry. Several RNA binding proteins were identified as part of the rpr 5 UTR RNP complex, some of which have been related to IRES activity. The involvement of one of them, the La antigen, in the translation of rpr mRNA, was established by RNA-crosslinking experiments using recombinant protein and rpr 5 UTR and by the analysis of the translation efficiency of reporter mRNAs in Drosophila cells after knock down of the endogenous La by RNAi experiments. Several uncharacterized proteins were also identified, suggesting that they might play a role during translation, during the assembly of the translational machinery or in the priming of the mRNA before ribosome recognition. Our data provide evidence for the involvement of La antigen in the translation of rpr mRNA and set a protocol for purification of tagged-RNA-protein complexes from cytoplasmic extracts. To further understand the mechanisms of translation initiation in Drosophila, we analyzed the role of eIF4B on cap-dependent and cap-independent translation. We showed that eIF4B is mostly involved in cap-, but not IRES-dependent translation as it happens in mammals.

Studies on arbuscular mycorrhiza (AM) in the Alentejo (Portugal) using pea mutants resistant to AM fungi as a control tool for field conditions

The utilization and management of arbuscular mycorrhiza (AM) symbiosis may improve production and sustainability of the cropping system. For this purpose, native AM fungi (AMF) were sought and tested for their efficiency to increase plant growth by enhanced P uptake and by alleviation of drought stress. Pot experiments with safflower (Carthamus tinctorius) and pea (Pisum sativum) in five soils (mostly sandy loamy Luvisols) and field experiments with peas were carried out during three years at four different sites. Host plants were grown in heated soils inoculated with AMF or the respective heat sterilized inoculum. In the case of peas, mutants resistant to AMF colonization were used as non-mycorrhizal controls. The mycorrhizal impact on yields and its components, transpiration, and P and N uptake was studied in several experiments, partly under varying P and N levels and water supply. Screening of native AMF by most probable number bioassays was not very meaningful. Soil monoliths were placed in the open to simulate field conditions. Inoculation with a native AMF mix improved grain yield, shoot and leaf growth variables as compared to control. Exposed to drought, higher soil water depletion of mycorrhizal plants resulted in a haying-off effect. The growth response to this inoculum could not be significantly reproduced in a subsequent open air pot experiment at two levels of irrigation and P fertilization, however, safflower grew better at higher P and water supply by multiples. The water use efficiency concerning biomass was improved by the AMF inoculum in the two experiments. Transpiration rates were not significantly affected by AM but as a tendency were higher in non-mycorrhizal safflower. A fundamental methodological problem in mycorrhiza field research is providing an appropriate (negative) control for the experimental factor arbuscular mycorrhiza. Soil sterilization or fungicide treatment have undesirable side effects in field and greenhouse settings. Furthermore, artificial rooting, temperature and light conditions in pot experiments may interfere with the interpretation of mycorrhiza effects. Therefore, the myc- pea mutant P2 was tested as a non-mycorrhizal control in a bioassay to evaluate AMF under field conditions in comparison to the symbiotic isogenetic wild type of var. FRISSON as a new integrative approach. However, mutant P2 is also of nod- phenotype and therefore unable to fix N2. A 3-factorial experiment was carried out in a climate chamber at high NPK fertilization to examine the two isolines under non-symbiotic and symbiotic conditions. P2 achieved the same (or higher) biomass as wild type both under good and poor water supply. However, inoculation with the AMF Glomus manihot did not improve plant growth. Differences of grain and straw yields in field trials were large (up to 80 per cent) between those isogenetic pea lines mainly due to higher P uptake under P and water limited conditions. The lacking N2 fixation in mutants was compensated for by high mineral N supply as indicated by the high N status of the pea mutant plants. This finding was corroborated by the results of a major field experiment at three sites with two levels of N fertilization. The higher N rate did not affect grain or straw yields of the non-fixing mutants. Very efficient AMF were detected in a Ferric Luvisol on pasture land as revealed by yield levels of the evaluation crop and by functional vital staining of highly colonized roots. Generally, levels of grain yield were low, at between 40 and 980 kg ha-1. An additional pot trial was carried out to elucidate the strong mycorrhizal effect in the Ferric Luvisol. A triplication of the plant equivalent field P fertilization was necessary to compensate for the mycorrhizal benefit which was with five times higher grain yield very similar to that found in the field experiment. However, the yield differences between the two isolines were not always plausible as the evaluation variable because they were also found in (small) field test trials with apparently sufficient P and N supply and in a soil of almost no AMF potential. This similarly occurred for pea lines of var. SPARKLE and its non-fixing mycorrhizal (E135) and non-symbiotic (R25) isomutants, which were tested in order to exclude experimentally undesirable benefits by N2 fixation. In contrast to var. FRISSON, SPARKLE was not a suitable variety for Mediterranean field conditions. This raises suspicion putative genetic defects other than symbiotic ones may be effective under field conditions, which would conflict with the concept of an appropriate control. It was concluded that AMF resistant plants may help to overcome fundamental problems of present research on arbuscular mycorrhiza, but may create new ones.

Combatant recruitment and the outcome of war

Why do some civil wars terminate soon, with victory of one party over the other? What determines if the winner is the incumbent or the rebel group? Why do other conáicts last longer? We propose a simple model in which the power of each armed group depends on the number of combatants it is able to recruit. This is in turn a function of the relative ëdistanceíbetween group leaderships and potential recruits. We emphasize the moral hazard problem of recruitment: Öghting is costly and risky so combatants have the incentive to defect from their task. They can also desert altogether and join the enemy. This incentive is stronger the farther away the Öghter is from the principal, since monitoring becomes increasingly costly. Bigger armies have more power but less monitoring capacity to prevent defection and desertion. This general framework allows a variety of interpretations of what type of proximity matters for building strong cohesive armies ranging from ethnic distance to geographic dispersion. Di§erent assumptions about the distribution of potential Öghters along the relevant dimension of conáict lead to di§erent equilibria. We characterize these, discuss the implied outcome in terms of who wins the war, and illustrate with historical and contemporaneous case studies.

Don't make war, make elections : Franchise extension and violence in XIXth-century Colombia

This paper studies the effect of strengthening democracy, as captured by an increase in voting rights, on the incidence of violent civil conflict in nineteenth-century Colombia. Empirically studying the relationship between democracy and conflict is challenging, not only because of conceptual problems in defining and measuring democracy, but also because political institutions and violence are jointly determined. We take advantage of an experiment of history to examine the impact of one simple, measurable dimension of democracy (the size of the franchise) on con- flict, while at the same time attempting to overcome the identification problem. In 1853, Colombia established universal male suffrage. Using a simple difference-indifferences specification at the municipal level, we find that municipalities where more voters were enfranchised relative to their population experienced fewer violent political battles while the reform was in effect. The results are robust to including a number of additional controls. Moreover, we investigate the potential mechanisms driving the results. In particular, we look at which components of the proportion of new voters in 1853 explain the results, and we examine if results are stronger in places with more political competition and state capacity. We interpret our findings as suggesting that violence in nineteenth-century Colombia was a technology for political elites to compete for the rents from power, and that democracy constituted an alternative way to compete which substituted violence.

Estudios sonoros desde la Región Andina UIO-BOG = Sonic Studies from the Andean Region

El presente trabajo se basa en el análisis de las prácticas sonoras y, a partir de ahí, de una apuesta por un nuevo campo de estudios, el de los Estudios Sonoros; cuyo fin último es establecer una perspectiva epistemológica y política de las prácticas experimentales con sonido, en diálogo con proyectos provenientes de los Estudios Culturales, como son el proyecto modernidad/ colonialidad, las teorías poscoloniales y los estudios subalternos. Desde estas posiciones teóricas y políticas, estoy conciente de que el sonido, y sus posibilidades experimentales, articulan un régimen influyente en el mundo contemporáneo. Razón por la cual, sobre todo, esta es una reflexión desde las prácticas sonoras que surgen en dos ciudades andinas: Quito y Bogotá, como una expresión emergente para establecer encuentros Sur-Sur, que puedan generar diálogos epistemológicos sobre el sonido. En otras palabras, en este libro estoy proponiéndo a mis lectoras y lectores, una especie de “juego epistémico”: comprender el sonido como un lugar de conocimiento.Y el sonido es conocimiento precisamente porque el sonido nos permite vernos (y permite verme) como un sujeto históricamente ubicado. En el capítulo primero abordaré la pregunta de cómo se fue articulando el régimen discursivo del sonido como arte, dentro de diálogos y conflictos que se generaron en el contexto de la Guerra Fría que, para el caso de Latinoamérica, constituyó la transferencia de conocimientos articulados desde promesas como el desarrollismo y la modernización. También analizaré el cómo se configuraron, tanto en Quito como en Bogotá, las nuevas subjetividades “artísticas” frente al discurso de las vanguardias europeas del siglo XX y el experimentalismo estadounidense. Como verán mis lectoras y lectores, estos modelos, aparentemente originales e innovadores, fueron influidos por formas de saber y poder moduladas alrededor de la idea de la renovación de las artes a través del sonido, formulación que instaló el sonido como dispositivo/materia desde el cual, en detrimento de lo local, se articuló la fantasía de un universal deseado: las máquinas de sonido y de reproducibilidad técnica. En el segundo capítulo me centraré en algunas prácticas de experimentación sonora para indagar cuestiones como el estilo, procedimiento posmodernista ampliamente diseminado dentro de las instituciones artísticas y de éstas hacia la vida cotidiana. A partir de lo cual intentamos esclarecer el porqué de la confiscación y sometimiento de lo sonoro bajo el cuidadoso encierro del régimen discursivo del arte, que de manera eficiente lo absorbe como un “nuevo” medio para disciplinarlo y nombrarlo como proyecto sonoro, pieza sonora, instalación sonora, performance sonoro, acción sonora, objeto sonoro, paisaje sonoro, composición, loop. En otras palabras, cómo todo lo que genera el posmodernismo es apropiado por las universidades para crear la noción de “pastiche”, en donde todo cabe, bajo la indulgencia del “estilo”, procedimiento desde el cual se va instalando el régimen de verdad de un nuevo universal deseado: El Arte Sonoro. En este mismo capítulo, indagamos sobre las lógicas de producción de estas prácticas, para avanzar hacia las lógicas culturales donde lo sonoro se define y redefine por el posicionamiento y el lugar desde el que actúan los sujetos. Bajo estas consideraciones, queda planteada la propuesta, acuñada por esta investigación, la de un nuevo campo de estudio: Los Estudios Sonoros, propuesta que debe ser entendida como lo que algunos intelectuales latinoamericanos llaman epistemes emergentes11, precisamente porque esta investigación hace un esfuerzo por esclarecer las interdependencias existentes entre prácticas artísticas con sonido, el campo discursivo del arte y otras construcciones discursivas de la modernidad-colonialidad que establecen y regulan la formación del régimen sonoro. En el capítulo tercero analizaré cómo un “medio de creación” se vuelve hegemónico y cómo ciertos artistas que usan el sonido, bajo la pretensión de representar la marginalidad, marginalizan aún más a las personas que han sido históricamente subalternizadas. Seguido de este análisis, en el capítulo cuarto, indagamos sobre las tácticas que marcan nuevas formas de adhesión, de representación y de resistencia cultural, las mismas que son estrategias suplementarias frente, y en contra, de los discursos dominantes de las prácticas artísticas con sonido y las geopolíticas de conocimiento.