The influence of storage condition and duration on the resistance to fracture of different fiber post systems

Purpose: To evaluate the effects of storage condition and duration on the resistance to fracture of different fiber post systems (and to morphologically assess the post structure before and after storage. Methods: Three types of fiber posts (DT Light Post, GC Post, FRC Postect Plus) were divided in different groups (n=12) according to the storage condition (dry at 37 degrees C; saline water at 37 degrees C; mineral oil at 37 degrees C and storage inside the roots of extracted human teeth immersed in saline water at 37 degrees C and duration (6, 12 months). A universal testing machine loading at a 90 degrees angle was employed for the three-point bending test. The test was carried out until fracture of the post. A 3-way ANOVA and Tukey`s test (alpha= 0.05) were used to compare the effect of the experimental factors on the fracture strength. Two posts of each group were observed before and after the storage using a scanning electron microscope. Results: Storage condition and post type had a significant effect on post fracture strength (P< 0.05). The interaction between these factors was significant (P< 0.05). Water storage significantly decreased the fracture strength, regardless of the post type and the storage duration. Storage inside roots, in oil, and at dry conditions did not significantly affect post fracture strength. SEM micrographs revealed voids between fibers and resin matrix for posts stored in water. Posts stored under the other conditions showed a compact matrix without porosities. (Am J Dent 2009;22:366-370).

Should the U.S. adapt to the world? The first debate on american exceptionalism and its impact on the founding of the United States

This paper aims at putting into perspective the recent, post 9/11 debate on the United States‘ alleged exceptionalism and its impact on the definition of American foreign policy. It reminds the readers that the United States was born as a result of a similar debate, at a time when a crucial choice for its future was to be made. Indeed, the Founding Fathers discarded the revolutionary idea that America was altogether different from other (European) nations and, as such, could succeed in saving republicanism and concentrate on domestic affairs. As Gordon Wood and Harvey Mansfield have shown, the 1787 version of republicanism stood as a departure from its earlier version, and such a change was necessary to the creation of a full-fledged federation, therefore paving the way to the current powerful Federal Republic. The early failure of the exceptionalist creed did not cause its disappearance, as the contemporary form of exceptionalism demonstrates, but created conditions that made an enduring and powerful influence very difficult.

De serviteurs de l´Etat à représentants élus. Les parlementaires originaires du secteur public en Europe

This article aims at testing empirically the relevance of the State/civil society dichotomy commonly used by political theorists through the question of the specific weight of MPs having a public sector background in Europe. It uses the DATACUBE data set in order to show that such an opposition is only relative because of the specific weight of the public sector in the parliamentary elite considered in a long-term perspective. The article focuses on the dynamics of this relevance and introduces nuances regarding variations across countries, sub-categories within the public sector and political parties.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

A luta de classes em Portugal (1919:1926) : a esquerda republicana e o bloco radical

Com o presente trabalho estudamos a Primeira República do pós-guerra (1919-1926), procurando compreender o sentido histórico desses anos atribulados, caracterizados por uma permanente instabilidade governativa e pelo desassossego dos agentes sociais. Defendemos existir uma explicação que torna os últimos anos do regime republicano, aparentemente caóticos, compreensíveis: à semelhança de outros países europeus, a especificidade dos anos 20 portugueses reside num fenómeno de polarização política da sociedade, na mobilização e organização de forças mediante os quadrantes da esquerda e da direita modernas. Concretamente, o nosso objecto de estudo consiste na esquerda republicana, um campo que se autonomizou dentro do republicanismo durante o pós-guerra, e no bloco radical, conceito analítico sob o qual englobamos manifestações heteróclitas (partidárias, armadas, intelectuais, unitárias) do fenómeno de polarização política à esquerda.

Using polymers to improve the rutting resistance of asphalt concrete

This study assesses rutting on two types of modified asphalt mixtures containing: (i) amorphous polyolefin polymer and (ii) a particular polymer obtained by combining LDPE (low density polyethylene) and EVA (ethyl-vinyl-acetate). Rutting tests were performed by a wheel tracking device. Stiffness and fatigue tests were carried out to confirm the performance of the asphalt mixtures. The testing showed that polymer modification in this study improved rut resistance without compromising the stiffness and fatigue behavior. The rutting results were fit in the NCHRP 1-37A model and the in situ rutting performance of asphalt mixtures can be predicted.

Informe sobre l’estada de recerca a la Universitat d’Edimburg; agost, octubre – desembre 2006

Estudi realitzat a partir d’una estada al laboratori del Dr. Maurizio Mencuccini a la School of GeoSciences de la University of Edinburgh, entre els mesos d’agost i desembre del 2006. El treball realitzat s’ha centrat en tres projectes. Primerament, s’ha desenvolupat un sensor per mesurar el flux de saba al xilema i al floema, basat en la utilització de polsos de calor per tal d’estimar la velocitat del flux de massa en un medi porós. A diferència del mètode que es fa servir normalment per estimar el flux al xilema, s’ha aconseguit un nou mètode que assoleix l’escalfament fent servir un làser, la qual cosa fa que el mètode sigui no intrusiu. Per altra banda, s’ha estudiat la variabilitat de l’anatomia del floema en funció de l’edat de l’arbre en poblacions de tres espècies diferents (Pinus sylvestris, Fraxinus excelsior i Acer pseudoplatanus). L’objectiu de l’estudi és veure si l’edat/mida dels arbres afecta la mida dels elements conductors al floema, la superfície de floema funcional, o la relació entre superfície de floema funcional i superfície de fulles. Finalment, s’ha estudiat l’intercanvi de gasos a nivell de branca en funció de l’edat de l’arbre i la posició a la capçada en un bosc de Pinus sylvestris.

Ecologie et liberté : libéralisme versus républicanisme

La question centrale de ce travail est celle de la relation entre finitude environnementale et liberté individuelle. Par finitude environnementale il faut entendre l'ensemble des contraintes écologiques variées qui posent des limites à l'action humaine. Celles-ci sont de deux types généraux : les limites de disponibilité des ressources naturelles et: les limites de charge des écosystèmes et des grands cycles biogéochimiques globaux (chapitre 1). La thèse défendue ici est que les conceptions libertariennes et libérales de la liberté sont en conflit avec la nécessité de prendre en compte de telles limites et qu'une approche néo-républicaine est mieux à même de répondre à ces enjeux écologiques. Les théories libertariennes, de droite comme de gauche, sont inadaptées à la prise en compte de la finitude des ressources naturelles car elles maintiennent un droit à l'appropriation illimitée de ces dernières par les individus. Ce point est en contradiction avec le caractère systémique de la rareté et avec l'absence de substitut pour certaines ressources indispensables à la poursuite d'une vie décente (chapitres 2 et 3). La théorie libérale de la neutralité, appuyée par le principe du tort (harm principle), est quant à elle inadaptée à la prise en compte des problèmes environnementaux globaux comme le changement climatique. Les mécanismes causaux menant à la création de dommages environnementaux sont en effet indirects et diffus, ce qui empêche l'assignation de responsabilités au niveau individuel. La justification de politiques environnementales contraignantes s'en trouve donc mise en péril (chapitre 4). Ces difficultés proviennent avant tout de deux traits caractéristiques de ces doctrines : leur ontologie sociale atomiste et leur conception de la liberté comme liberté de choix. Le néo-républicanisme de Philip Pettit permet de répondre à ces deux problèmes grâce à son ontologie holiste et à sa conception de la liberté comme non- domination. Cette théorie permet donc à la fois de proposer une conception de la liberté compatible avec la finitude environnementale et de justifier des politiques environnementales exigeantes, sans que le sacrifice en termes de liberté n'apparaisse trop important (chapitre 5). - The centrai issue of this work is that of the relationship between environmental finiteness and individual liberty. By environmental finiteness one should understand the set of diverse ecological constraints that limit human action. These limits are of two general kinds: on the one hand the availability of natural resources, and on the other hand the carrying capacity of ecosystems and biogeochemical cycles (chapter 1}. The thesis defended here is that libertarian and liberal conceptions of liberty conflict with the necessity to take such limits into account, and that a neo-republican approach is best suited to address environmental issues. Libertarian theories, right-wing as well as left-wing, are in particular not able to take resource scarcity into account because they argue for an unlimited right of individuals to appropriate those resources. This point is in contradiction with the systemic nature of scarcity and with the absence of substitutes for some essential resources (chapters 2 and 3). The liberal doctrine of neutrality, as associated with the harm principle, is unsuitable when addressing global environmental issues like climate change. Causal mechanisms leading to environmental harm are indirect and diffuse, which prevents the assignation of individual responsibilities. This makes the justification of coercive environmental policies difficult (chapter 4). These difficulties stem above all from two characteristic features of libertarian and liberal doctrines: their atomistic social ontology and their conception of freedom as liberty of choice. Philip Pettit's neo- republicanism on the other hand is able to address these problems thanks to its holist social ontology and its conception of liberty as non-domination. This doctrine offers a conception of liberty compatible with environmental limits and theoretical resources able to justify demanding environmental policies without sacrificing too much in terms of liberty (chapter 5).

Cruciferous vegetables and cancer risk in a network of case-control studies.

Background Cruciferous vegetables have been suggested to protect against various cancers, though the issue is open to discussion. To further understand their role, we analyzed data from a network of case-control studies conducted in Italy and Switzerland. Patients and methods The studies included a total of 1468 cancers of the oral cavity/pharynx, 505 of the esophagus, 230 of the stomach, 2390 of the colorectum, 185 of the liver, 326 of the pancreas, 852 of the larynx, 3034 of the breast, 367 of the endometrium, 1031 of the ovary, 1294 of the prostate, 767 of the kidney, and 11 492 controls. All cancers were incident, histologically confirmed; controls were subjects admitted to the same network of hospitals as cases for a wide spectrum of acute nonneoplastic conditions. Results The multivariate odds ratio (OR) for consumption of cruciferous vegetables at least once a week as compared with no/occasional consumption was significantly reduced for cancer of the oral cavity/pharynx (OR = 0.83), esophagus (OR = 0.72), colorectum (OR = 0.83), breast (OR = 0.83), and kidney (OR = 0.68). The OR was below unity, but not significant, for stomach (OR = 0.90), liver (OR = 0.72), pancreatic (OR = 0.90), laryngeal (OR = 0.84), endometrial (OR = 0.93), ovarian (OR = 0.91), and prostate (OR = 0.87) cancer. Conclusion This large series of studies provides additional evidence of a favorable effect of cruciferous vegetables on several common cancers.