70 resultados para Toleration
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Dominant species are those which delimit and defend territories from other individuals of the same or different species. Subordinate species are those which, furtive and sneakily, use sources of nectar from other individuals. This study aimed to describe the aggressive interactions between species of hummingbirds, define which species are dominant and which are subordinate, investigate if the sharing of resources occurs during the visits, and compare the behaviour of the dominant species in different strata (tree, arbustive and herbaceous). The species observed interacting with Anthracothorax nigricollis Vieillot 1817 were Phaethornis pretrei Lesson and Delattrer 1839, Thalurania furcata Gmelin 1788, and Polytmus guainumbi Pallas 1764. Nine behavioural acts grouped into four categories were identified and described. The dominant species is A. nigricollis (with 0.9 of the attacks), followed by T. furcata (with 0.07) and P. pretrei (with 0.03). The resource sharing was seen only in the shrub layer, in C. surinamensis, in which there was intraspecific and interspecific sharing. A. nigricollis showed higher interspecific toleration, T. furcata (0.27) and P. pretrei (0.55) than intraspecific A. nigricollis (0.18). The frequency of occurrence of behaviours expressed by A. nigricollis in the three vegetation strata differed significantly.
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The screenplay for the short film Tolerance is a project whose goal is to generate discussion about intolerance, which falls on the minority cultures in contemporary society. Even preserving their Brazilianness, through the art direction, it can cross borders as it does not have dialogues, and addresses current realities that underlie different cultures, even the most liberal and democratic. This project can achieve the interests of various groups, making it an excellent tool for generating discussion and debate in all social and educational levels
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AIM: To evaluate the results of duodenal stenting for palliation of gastroduodenal malignant obstruction by using a gastric outlet obstruction score (GOOS). METHODS: A prospective, non-randomized study was performed at a tertiary center between August 2005 and April 2010. Patients were eligible if they had malignant gastric outlet obstruction (GOO) and were not candidates for surgical treatment. Medical history and patient demographics were collected at baseline. Scheduled interviews were made on the day of the procedure and 15, 30, 90 and 180 d later or unscheduled as necessary. RESULTS: Fifteen patients (6 male, 9 female; median age 61 years) with GOO who had undergone duodenal stenting were evaluated. Ten patients had metastasis at baseline (66.6%) and 14 were unable to accept oral intake (93.33%), including 7 patients who were using a feeding tube. Laboratory data showed biliary obstruction in eight cases (53.33%); all were submitted to biliary drainage. Two patients developed obstructive symptoms due to tumor ingrowth after 30 d and another due to tumor overgrowth after 180 d. Two cases of stent migration occurred. A good response to treatment was observed, with a mean time of approximately 1 d (19 h) until toleration of a liquid diet and slightly more than 2 d for both soft solids (51 h) and a solid food/normal diet (55 h). The mean time to first failure to maintain liquid intake (GODS >= 1) was 93 d. During follow-up, the mean time to first failure to maintain the previously achieved GODS of 2-3 (solid/semi-solid food), considered technical failure, was 71 d. On the basis of oral intake a GODS is defined: 0 for no oral intake; 1 for liquids only; 2 for soft solids only; 3 for low-residue or full diet. CONCLUSION: Enteral stenting to alleviate gastroduodenal malignant obstruction improves quality of life in patients with limited life expectancy, which can be evaluated by using a GOO scoring system. (C) 2012 Baishideng. All rights reserved.
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In 2009 Switzerland, for long an apparent beacon of European toleration and neutrality, voted to ban the erection of minarets. Internal religious matters are normally dealt with at the regional or local level – not at the level of the Swiss national parliament, although the state does seek to ensure good order and peaceful relations between different faith communities. Indeed, the freedom of these communities to believe and function publicly is enshrined in law. However, as a matter of national policy, now constitutionally embedded, one religious group, the Muslim group, is not permitted to build their distinctive religious edifice, the minaret. Switzerland may have joined the rest of Europe with respect to engaging the challenge of Islamic presence to European identity and values, but the rejection of a symbol of the presence of one faith – in this case, Islamic – by a society that is otherwise predominantly secular, pluralist, and of Christian heritage, poses significant concerns. How and why did this happen? What are the implications? This paper will discuss some of the issues involved, concluding the ban is by no means irreversible. Tolerant neutrality may yet again be a leitmotif of Swiss culture and not just of foreign policy.
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We invoke the ideal of tolerance in response to conflict, but what does it mean to answer conflict with a call for tolerance? Is tolerance a way of resolving conflicts or a means of sustaining them? Does it transform conflicts into productive tensions, or does it perpetuate underlying power relations? To what extent does tolerance hide its involvement with power and act as a form of depoliticization? Wendy Brown and Rainer Forst debate the uses and misuses of tolerance, an exchange that highlights the fundamental differences in their critical practice despite a number of political similarities. Both scholars address the normative premises, limits, and political implications of various conceptions of tolerance. Brown offers a genealogical critique of contemporary discourses on tolerance in Western liberal societies, focusing on their inherent ties to colonialism and imperialism, and Forst reconstructs an intellectual history of tolerance that attempts to redeem its political virtue in democratic societies. Brown and Forst work from different perspectives and traditions, yet they each remain wary of the subjection and abnegation embodied in toleration discourses, among other issues. The result is a dialogue rich in critical and conceptual reflections on power, justice, discourse, rationality, and identity.
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Reconhecendo, a partir da constatação empírica, a multiplicidade de escolhas de crenças no Mundo e em particular na periferia urbana paulistana, reconhecemos, também, a emergência criativa de novas possibilidades de crer e não crer. Tal amplitude não apenas aponta para o crer (segundo as ofertas de um sem número de religiões) e o não crer (ateu e agnóstico), mas para uma escolha que poderia vir a ser silenciada e esquecida, neste binômio arcaico e obsoleto, quando alguém se dá à liberdade crer sem ter religião. Reconhecer interessadamente os sem-religião nas periferias urbanas paulistanas é dar-se conta das violências a que estes indivíduos estão submetidos: violência econômica, violência da cidadania (vulnerabilidade) e proveniente da armas (grupos x Estado). Tanto quanto a violência do esquecimento e silenciamento. A concomitância espaço-temporal dos sem-religião nas periferias, levou-nos buscar referências em teorias de secularização e de laicidade, e, a partir destas, traçar uma história do poder violento, cuja pretensão é a inelutabilidade, enquanto suas fissuras são abertas em espaços de resistências. A história da legitimação do poder que se quer único, soberano, de caráter universal, enquanto fragmenta a sociedade em indivíduos atomizados, fragilizando vínculos horizontais, e a dos surgimentos de resistências não violentas questionadoras da totalidade trágica, ao reconhecer a liberdade de ser com autonomia, enquanto se volta para a produção de partilha de bens comuns. Propomos reconhecer a igual liberdade de ser (expressa na crença da filiação divina) e de partilhar o bem comum em reconhecimentos mútuos (expressa pela ação social), uma expressão de resistência não violenta ao poder que requer a igual abdicação da liberdade pela via da fragmentação individualizante e submissão inquestionável à ordem totalizante. Os sem-religião nas periferias urbanas, nossos contemporâneos, partilhariam uma tal resistência, ao longo da história, com as melissas gregas, os profetas messiânicos hebreus, os hereges cristãos e os ateus modernos, cuja pretensão não é o poder, mas a partilha igual da liberdade e dos bens comuns. Estes laicos, de fato, seriam agentes de resistências de reconhecimento mútuos, em espaços de multiplicidade crescente, ao poder violento real na história.
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Most critical analyses assess citizenship-deprivation policies against international human rights and domestic rule of law standards, such as prevention of statelessness, non-arbitrariness with regard to justifications and judicial remedies, or non-discrimination between different categories of citizens. This report considers instead from a political theory perspective how deprivation policies reflect specific conceptions of political community. We distinguish four normative conceptions of the grounds of membership in a political community that apply to decisions on acquisition and loss of citizenship status: i) a ‘State discretion’ view, according to which governments should be as free as possible in pursuing State interests when determining citizenship status; ii) an ‘individual choice’ view, according to which individuals should be as free as possible in choosing their citizenship status; iii) an ‘ascriptive community’ view, according to which both State and individual choices should be minimised through automatic determination of membership based on objective criteria such as the circumstances of birth; and iv) a ‘genuine link’ view, according to which the ties of individuals to particular States determine their claims to inclusion and against deprivation while providing at the same time objections against including individuals without genuine links. We argue that most citizenship laws combine these four normative views in different ways, but that from a democratic perspective the ‘genuine link’ view is normatively preferable to the others. The report subsequently examines five general grounds for citizenship withdrawal – threats to public security, non-compliance with citizenship duties, flawed acquisition, derivative loss and loss of genuine links – and considers how the four normative views apply to withdrawal provision motivated by these concerns. The final section of the report examines whether EU citizenship provides additional reasons for protection against Member States’ powers of citizenship deprivation. We suggest that, in addition to fundamental rights protection through EU law and protection of free movement rights, three further arguments could be invoked: toleration of dual citizenship in a political union, prevention of unequal conditions for loss among EU citizens, and the salience of genuine links to the EU itself rather than merely to one of its Member States.
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Bibliography: p. 232-234.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Cover title.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Vols. II-III have imprint: Published by Charles Ewer, Boston; and William B. Allen & co., Newburyport, Ms. 1817. Wm. B. Allen & co. prnters: vol. IV-V: Published by Charles Ewer, Boston; and E. W. Allen, Newburyport, Mass. 1817. E. W. Allen printer (vol. V. omits "Mass")
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Place of publication from Briseño.