770 resultados para Symbolic Violence


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El artículo se propone analizar los conceptos cuerpo y educación, propuestos por Pierre Bourdieu, en diversas obras de su autoría. Centrando la mirada en los conceptos mencionados como recursos de dominación en manos de los Estados Modernos, el texto busca desarrollar la hipótesis reproductivista que asocia dichos términos al establecimiento y afianzamiento de un orden social determinado. Asumiendo una metodología histórica-hermenéutica basada en la revisión de fuentes primarias y secundarias, el objetivo del presente artículo radica en el rastreo de dichos conceptos a través de sus principales libros traducidos al castellano. Entre éstos se encuentran la compilación de artículos Capital cultural, escuela y espacio social; El sentido práctico y Meditaciones Pascalianas como escritos fundamentales a la hora de interpretar los conceptos de cuerpo y educación asociados a los recursos modernos de dominación. Al mismo tiempo, la propuesta de análisis incluye un diálogo con perspectivas relativamente contemporáneas a la obra de Bourdieu; entre estos se encuentran Foucault y Althusser, como autores cuyas propuestas teóricas pueden entreverarse con el enfoque de Bourdieu, enriqueciendo los debates teóricos hacia el interior del artículo.

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El artículo se propone analizar los conceptos cuerpo y educación, propuestos por Pierre Bourdieu, en diversas obras de su autoría. Centrando la mirada en los conceptos mencionados como recursos de dominación en manos de los Estados Modernos, el texto busca desarrollar la hipótesis reproductivista que asocia dichos términos al establecimiento y afianzamiento de un orden social determinado. Asumiendo una metodología histórica-hermenéutica basada en la revisión de fuentes primarias y secundarias, el objetivo del presente artículo radica en el rastreo de dichos conceptos a través de sus principales libros traducidos al castellano. Entre éstos se encuentran la compilación de artículos Capital cultural, escuela y espacio social; El sentido práctico y Meditaciones Pascalianas como escritos fundamentales a la hora de interpretar los conceptos de cuerpo y educación asociados a los recursos modernos de dominación. Al mismo tiempo, la propuesta de análisis incluye un diálogo con perspectivas relativamente contemporáneas a la obra de Bourdieu; entre estos se encuentran Foucault y Althusser, como autores cuyas propuestas teóricas pueden entreverarse con el enfoque de Bourdieu, enriqueciendo los debates teóricos hacia el interior del artículo.

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Studies on the drive for muscularity (DFM) have primarily been quantitative, focused on identifying correlates. Currently little is known about men’s experiences leading them to desire high levels of muscle and engage in behaviours to increase their masculine capital. Our purpose was to explore the stories of men with high DFM revealing the socio-cultural and personal factors leading to DFM and their search for masculine capital. In-depth life-history interviews and multiple in-the-field conversations were undertaken with twenty men (Mean age=28.45, SD=6.96, years) scoring ≥ 3 on the Drive for Muscularity Scale (Mean=4.30, SD=0.70). Men’s stories focused on a set of dysfunctional childhood and adolescent socio-cultural interactions, including forms of symbolic violence, between them and significant others. In these interactions men were exposed to dominant social narratives of masculinity, and through comparisons and reinforcement they identified discrepancies between themselves and these narratives. In late adolescence and early adulthood men came to believe that they lacked masculine capital. Men struggled to increase their masculine capital through engagement with other traditional masculine activities (e.g., sport) and driven by activating events, they compensated through DFM desires and behaviours. This study advances knowledge by revealing the socio-cultural and personal processes participants believed led to their high DFM. Findings disclose that men’s search for masculine capital may have led them to develop and maintain high levels of DFM.

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El presente trabajo estudia los textos refranísticos utilizados frecuentemente en la ciudad de Cuenca como vehículos y agentes de violencia simbólica racial. La aproximación a los dichos populares, proverbios y refranes racialmente discriminatorios a través del Análisis Crítico del Discurso permite evidenciar la presencia del racismo como representación de las relaciones de poder y dominación heredadas desde la Colonia y que hoy son parte del patrón de dominación llamado Colonialidad del poder por Aníbal Quijano.

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La rédaction de ce mémoire a été possible grâce à la bourse d’études supérieures du Canada (BESC M), Joseph-Armand-Bombardier du Centre de Recherche en Sciences Humaines (CRSH) du gouvernement du Canada, 2015.

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La rédaction de ce mémoire a été possible grâce à la bourse d’études supérieures du Canada (BESC M), Joseph-Armand-Bombardier du Centre de Recherche en Sciences Humaines (CRSH) du gouvernement du Canada, 2015.

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The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful élites and counter-élites.

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Cette recherche-action participative s’inscrit dans un paradigme féministe intersectionnelle. Elle présente la façon dont sept jeunes femmes de la rue (18-23 ans) de Québec ont fait l’expérience de la violence structurelle et ont déployé des stratégies pour y faire face. Elle s’articule autour d’une définition de la violence structurelle inspirée de celle proposée par Farmer, Bourgois, Scheper-Hugues et al. (2004) qui la présentent comme étant le processus à la racine des inégalités sociales et de l’oppression vécue par différents groupes sociaux. Ce processus s’opère dans trois dimensions complémentaires soit : 1) la domination symbolique, 2) la violence institutionnelle et 3) la violence quotidienne. Une analyse de contenu thématique a permis de dégager l’expérience des participantes dans chacune de ces dimensions. L’analyse de la domination symbolique a montré que les participantes ont été perçues à travers le prisme de quatre visions ou préjugés : 1) l’image de la jeune délinquante (Bad girl), 2) le discours haineux envers les personnes assistées sociales, 3) la culture du viol et 4) l’hétéronormativité. Les différentes expériences de violence quotidienne et institutionnelle vécues par les participantes peuvent être mises en lien avec ces manifestations de la domination symbolique. Les participantes ont expérimenté la violence institutionnelle à travers leurs trajectoires au sein des services de protection de l’enfance, durant leurs démarches pour obtenir un emploi, un logement ou du soutien financier de la part des programmes offerts par l’État et pendant leurs demandes d’aide auprès d’organismes communautaires ou d’établissements du réseau de la santé et des services sociaux. L’analyse de l’expérience des participantes a permis de révéler deux processus imbriqués de façon cyclique de violence structurelle : l’exclusion et le contrôle social. La plupart des stratégies ii expérimentées par les participantes pour combler leurs besoins fondamentaux les ont exposées au contrôle social. Le contrôle social a exacerbé les difficultés financières des participantes et a accru leur crainte de subir de l’exclusion. Bien que la violence structurelle expérimentée par les participantes se situe à la croisée des rapports de pouvoir liée au genre, à la classe sociale, à l’âge et à l’orientation sexuelle, il se dégage que la domination masculine s’est traduite dans le quotidien des participantes, car l’exclusion et le contrôle social ont créé des contextes où elles ont été susceptibles de subir une agression sexuelle ou de vivre de la violence de la part d’un partenaire intime. L’analyse de la dimension intersubjective de la grille d’analyse de Yuval-Davis (2006) montre la présence de certains rapports de pouvoir liés à la classe sociale au sein même de la population des jeunes de la rue. Cette analyse souligne également la difficulté des participantes à définir les contours de la violence et d’adopter des rapports égalitaires avec les hommes. Enfin, le processus de recherche-action participative expérimenté dans le cadre de cette thèse a été analysé à partir des critères de scientificité présentés par Reason et Bradbury (2001). L’élaboration de deux projets photos, choisis par le groupe en guise de stratégie de lutte contre la violence structurelle, a contribué à ouvrir le dialogue avec différents acteurs concernés par la violence structurelle envers les jeunes femmes de la rue et s’est inscrit dans une perspective émancipatoire.

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This research focused on the re-emerging of national and minority identities and the concomitant hostilities emerging from them in Hungary and in Romania. In particular the findings indicate that extremist incidents against members of minority groups on the local level seem to follow patterns in publicised media events. Violent attacks by skinheads against Gypsies in Hungary are often isolated incidents but are also inadvertently supported by biased media coverage, hostile majority attitudes and stereotyped behaviour reproduced in the media. The research also indicates that extremism both in Hungary against Gypsies and in Romania against Hungarians is of three kinds: organised within the framework of extremist groups, state-supported violence (both real and symbolic), and isolated, local instances with a few perpetrators committing atrocities. However, and this is a positive development, with rising interethnic tensions and extremist attacks prevalent in Hungary and Romania, there is also a parallel emergence of a more sophisticated human and minority rights campaign to combat them.

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Deadly, inter-ethnic group conflict remains a threat to international security in a world where the majority of armed violence occurs not only within states but in the most ungoverned areas within states. Conflicts that occur between groups living in largely ungoverned areas often become deeply protracted and are difficult to resolve when the state is weak and harsh environmental conditions place human security increasingly under threat. However, even under these conditions, why do some local conflicts between ethnic groups escalate, whereas others do not? To analyze this puzzle, the dissertation employs comparative methods to investigate the conditions under which violence erupts or stops and armed actors choose to preserve peace. The project draws upon qualitative data derived from semi-structured interviews, focus group dialogues, and participant observation of local peace processes during field research conducted in six conflict-affected counties in Northern Kenya. Comparative analysis of fifteen conflict episodes with variable outcomes reveals the conditions under which coalitions of civic associations, including local peace committees, faith-based organizations, and councils of elders, inter alia, enhance informal institutional arrangements that contain escalation. Violence is less likely to escalate in communities where cohesive coalitions provide platforms for threat-monitoring, informal pact making, and enforcement of traditional codes of restitution. However, key scope conditions affect whether or not informal organizational structures are capable of containing escalation. In particular, symbolic acts of violence and the use of indiscriminant force by police and military actors commonly undermine local efforts to contain conflict. The dissertation contributes to the literatures on civil society and peacebuilding, demonstrating the importance of comparing processes of escalation and non-escalation and accounting for interactive effects between modes of state and non-state response to local, inter-ethnic group conflict.

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The article analyses the 'ordinary' violence of revolutionary politics, particularly acts of gendered and sexual violence that tend to be neglected in the face of the 'extraordinariness' of political terror. Focusing on the extreme left Naxalbari movement of West Bengal, it points to those morally ambiguous 'grey zones' that confound the rigid distinctions between victim and victimizer in insurrectionary politics. Public and private recollections of sexual and gender-based injuries by women activists point to the complex intermeshing of different forms of violence (everyday, political, structural, symbolic) across 'safe' and 'unsafe' spaces, 'public' and 'private' worlds, and communities of trust and those of betrayal. In making sense of these memories and their largely secret or 'untellable' nature, the article places sexual violence on a continuum of multiple and interrelated forces that are both overt and symbolic, and include a society's ways of mourning some forms of violence and silencing others. The idea of a continuum explores the 'greyness' of violence as the very object of anthropological inquiry.

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To detect the presence of male DNA in vaginal samples collected from survivors of sexual violence and stored on filter paper. A pilot study was conducted to evaluate 10 vaginal samples spotted on sterile filter paper: 6 collected at random in April 2009 and 4 in October 2010. Time between sexual assault and sample collection was 4-48hours. After drying at room temperature, the samples were placed in a sterile envelope and stored for 2-3years until processing. DNA extraction was confirmed by polymerase chain reaction for human β-globin, and the presence of prostate-specific antigen (PSA) was quantified. The presence of the Y chromosome was detected using primers for sequences in the TSPY (Y7/Y8 and DYS14) and SRY genes. β-Globin was detected in all 10 samples, while 2 samples were positive for PSA. Half of the samples amplified the Y7/Y8 and DYS14 sequences of the TSPY gene and 30% amplified the SRY gene sequence of the Y chromosome. Four male samples and 1 female sample served as controls. Filter-paper spots stored for periods of up to 3years proved adequate for preserving genetic material from vaginal samples collected following sexual violence.

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The aim of this retrospective study was to compare the peculiarities of maxillofacial injuries caused by interpersonal violence with other etiologic factors. Medical records of 3,724 patients with maxillofacial injuries in São Paulo state (Brazil) were retrospectively analyzed. The data were submitted to statistical analysis (simple descriptive statistics and Chi-squared test) using SPSS 18.0 software. Data of 612 patients with facial injuries caused by violence were analyzed. The majority of the patients were male (81%; n = 496), with a mean age of 31.28 years (standard deviation of 13.33 years). These patients were more affected by mandibular and nose fractures, when compared with all other patients (P < 0.01), although fewer injuries were recorded in other body parts (χ(2) = 17.54; P < 0.01); Victims of interpersonal violence exhibited more injuries when the neurocranium was analyzed in isolation (χ(2) = 6.85; P < 0.01). Facial trauma due to interpersonal violence seem to be related to a higher rate of facial fractures and lacerations when compared to all patients with facial injuries. Prominent areas of the face and neurocranium were more affected by injuries.

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OBJECTIVE: To estimate the spatial intensity of urban violence events using wavelet-based methods and emergency room data. METHODS: Information on victims attended at the emergency room of a public hospital in the city of São Paulo, Southeastern Brazil, from January 1, 2002 to January 11, 2003 were obtained from hospital records. The spatial distribution of 3,540 events was recorded and a uniform random procedure was used to allocate records with incomplete addresses. Point processes and wavelet analysis technique were used to estimate the spatial intensity, defined as the expected number of events by unit area. RESULTS: Of all georeferenced points, 59% were accidents and 40% were assaults. There is a non-homogeneous spatial distribution of the events with high concentration in two districts and three large avenues in the southern area of the city of São Paulo. CONCLUSIONS: Hospital records combined with methodological tools to estimate intensity of events are useful to study urban violence. The wavelet analysis is useful in the computation of the expected number of events and their respective confidence bands for any sub-region and, consequently, in the specification of risk estimates that could be used in decision-making processes for public policies.

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Background: violence against women is a serious problem caused by the social construction of feminineness and masculineness that results in the domination of women by men. Public policies on gender have recently been developed in order to confront the problem. But what exactly are the problems faced by women? Purposes: to survey and analyse cases of violence against women reported to the police, as recorded at the Police Stations for Women`s Defence (PSWDs), and to reconstruct the procedures that women must go through in order to denounce their aggressors. Methodology: this quantitative, exploratory and descriptive study was undertaken during 2006-2007 in the city of Itapevi, Sao Paulo metropolitan region, Brazil. As there is no PSWD data were collected from police reports from PSWDs of neighbouring cities. Findings: malicious physical injury (49%) and threats (42%) were the most commonly reported types of violence. The victims were aged between 20 and 49 years (93%). Almost all of the aggressors (97%) were men and most had an intimate relationship with their victim. The use of alcoholic beverages was linked to approximately 25% of the cases. Conclusion: women who are victims of domestic violence in Itapevi report that going through PSWDs of neighbouring cities is a difficult, isolated, long and expensive process that often, provides no institutional protection. Implications for practice: there is an urgent requirement for judicial-assistance and support close to home in order to provide a quality service and follow-up for these women and their aggressors; to provide training for the professionals called to attend them at police stations; and for a caring attitude from health-care professionals.,0 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.