804 resultados para State police forces


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Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo identificar os aspectos de uma polícia profissional presentes na literatura especializada sobre o assunto e compará-los com a Polícia Federal Brasileira, utilizando-se de pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo. Para isso, pesquisou-se os conceitos de profissionalização policial na literatura e verificou-se que sua definição é controversa e complexa e que as reformas ocorridas nas policias ocidentais, principalmente nos EUA e Inglaterra, no final do século XIX até metade do século XX, criaram um modelo burocrático de polícia, com uma estrutura militarizada e com ênfase na aplicação da lei. Esse modelo influenciou o modelo profissional das polícias brasileiras, e em destaque, a Polícia Federal brasileira. Identificou-se dez principais aspectos de uma polícia profissional. Estes foram divididos em 18 itens, e realizou-se uma pesquisa documental para verificar como esses aspectos estavam presentes na Polícia Federal brasileira e levantou-se algumas hipóteses/suposições sobre os problemas encontrados. Após, realizou-se pesquisa quantitativa, através de um questionário estruturado, com 25 perguntas, para a população de policiais federais dos cargos de Agente, Escrivão e Papiloscopistas de Polícia Federal lotados na Delegacia de Polícia Federal em Foz do Iguaçu-PR, sobre os aspectos verificados na pesquisa documental Com a pesquisa, verificou-se que, na opinião dos respondentes, os itens com maiores problemas eram os relacionados à carreira policial (promoção de classes, funções do cargo e avaliação de desempenho), controle interno (estrutura de corregedorias e aplicação de penalidade), remuneração, cursos de progressão de classes na carreira e a relação democrática entre os servidores policiais. Em relação aos itens mais bem avaliados, destacam-se os relacionados à formação profissional do policial, a deontologia policial e o relacionamento democrático do policial federal com o cidadão.

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Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

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A busca pela integração com a comunidade, a gestão da informação criminal e as tecnologias da informação se colocam entre as principais razões que alavancam mudanças nas estruturas e no modo de atuação das Polícias. Buscar planejamentos operacionais com bases mais científicas é a razão de ser para mudanças de paradigmas nas forças policiais. Neste contexto, as Estatísticas Criminais desempenham um papel importantíssimo, por ser a fonte fundamental para a construção da análise criminal, além de oferecer um diagnóstico mais aproximado da realidade que envolve a criminalidade e da violência. Assim, esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar como as estatísticas criminais produzidas pelo Sistema Estadual de Segurança Pública e Defesa Social do Estado do Pará são empregas no planejamento operacional da Polícia Militar, levando-se em conta a integração das informações e como os policiais que trabalham nos bairros do Guamá e da Terra Firme as utilizam para desenvolverem suas atividades constitucionais de policiamento ostensivo e preventivo. Para tanto, foram levantadas os seguintes temas para o desenvolvimento da discussão: os novos paradigmas do policiamento moderno, levando-se em consideração o emprego de ferramentais mais científicos para melhorar a efetividade do policiamento, dentre eles as estatísticas criminais; segundo, como são produzidas as estatísticas criminais dentro do Sistema Estadual de Segurança Pública e Defesa Social e quais banco de dados que são utilizados para produção das análises; terceiro são apresentados resultados da pesquisa de campo realizada nos policiais militares dos bairros do Guamá e da Terra Firme visando mostrar a utilização das estatísticas criminais por parte destes profissionais da segurança pública. Mostrando-se como resultado principal a necessidade de integração das informações do Sistema Estadual de Segurança Pública e Defesa Social e a necessidade de que o processo de produção de conhecimento chegue a todos os níveis da Polícia Militar, principalmente aos que trabalham na atividade operacional.

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This article examines the challenges involved in the process of police militarization and implementation of police discipline in the State of São Paulo during the First Brazilian Republic (1889 to 1930). Th e implementation of a militarized police model, initiated by the 1906 French Military Mission, was not fully able to deal with indiscipline issues among policemen. Beyond creating problems of its own, such as fostering a corporatist culture and strengthening rigid hierarchies, military discipline prevented police forces to address new issues that would aff ect its practices. Documents in the São Paulo State Public Archive provides a window to the daily violence, the personal compromises, the institutional confl icts and the political meddling that was part of police life in the State of São Paulo at the turn of the century.

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Las instituciones policiales han sido poco estudiadas en sede académica hasta el momento y las investigaciones existentes ponen el acento en los modelos de gestión y en los procesos de reforma implementados en las últimas dos décadas. El poder de policía, no obstante, cumplió un rol fundamental en los procesos de formación estatal durante el siglo XIX, en diversos contextos culturales, nacionales y territoriales. Este trabajo intenta recoger las conclusiones básicas de algunos estudios europeos sobre esta cuestión, y otros estudios de caso en América Latina, prestando especial atención al territorio rioplatense. El objetivo consiste en analizar comparativamente los procesos de institucionalización del poder policial, la articulación de los mismos con la construcción de autoridad estatal, y los distintos modelos adoptados. "En nombre de la seguridad", y del orden público, las policías se organizaron como espacios de excepción, en los cuales la normativa jurídica se escinde de su aplicación efectiva. Los itinerarios históricos y filosóficos recorridos se proponen como una vía de elucidación de la relación entre el Estado y el poder de policía

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Las instituciones policiales han sido poco estudiadas en sede académica hasta el momento y las investigaciones existentes ponen el acento en los modelos de gestión y en los procesos de reforma implementados en las últimas dos décadas. El poder de policía, no obstante, cumplió un rol fundamental en los procesos de formación estatal durante el siglo XIX, en diversos contextos culturales, nacionales y territoriales. Este trabajo intenta recoger las conclusiones básicas de algunos estudios europeos sobre esta cuestión, y otros estudios de caso en América Latina, prestando especial atención al territorio rioplatense. El objetivo consiste en analizar comparativamente los procesos de institucionalización del poder policial, la articulación de los mismos con la construcción de autoridad estatal, y los distintos modelos adoptados. "En nombre de la seguridad", y del orden público, las policías se organizaron como espacios de excepción, en los cuales la normativa jurídica se escinde de su aplicación efectiva. Los itinerarios históricos y filosóficos recorridos se proponen como una vía de elucidación de la relación entre el Estado y el poder de policía

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Las instituciones policiales han sido poco estudiadas en sede académica hasta el momento y las investigaciones existentes ponen el acento en los modelos de gestión y en los procesos de reforma implementados en las últimas dos décadas. El poder de policía, no obstante, cumplió un rol fundamental en los procesos de formación estatal durante el siglo XIX, en diversos contextos culturales, nacionales y territoriales. Este trabajo intenta recoger las conclusiones básicas de algunos estudios europeos sobre esta cuestión, y otros estudios de caso en América Latina, prestando especial atención al territorio rioplatense. El objetivo consiste en analizar comparativamente los procesos de institucionalización del poder policial, la articulación de los mismos con la construcción de autoridad estatal, y los distintos modelos adoptados. "En nombre de la seguridad", y del orden público, las policías se organizaron como espacios de excepción, en los cuales la normativa jurídica se escinde de su aplicación efectiva. Los itinerarios históricos y filosóficos recorridos se proponen como una vía de elucidación de la relación entre el Estado y el poder de policía

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Description based on: Jan. 1980; title from cover.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

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Following inspections in 2013 of all police forces, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary found that one-third of forces could not provide data on repeat victims of domestic abuse (DA) and concluded that in general there were ambiguities around the term ‘repeat victim’ and that there was a need for consistent and comparable statistics on DA. Using an analysis of police-recorded DA data from two forces, an argument is made for including both offences and non-crime incidents when identifying repeat victims of DA. Furthermore, for statistical purposes the counting period for repeat victimizations should be taken as a rolling 12 months from first recorded victimization. Examples are given of summary statistics that can be derived from these data down to Community Safety Partnership level. To reinforce the need to include both offences and incidents in analyses, repeat victim chronologies from policerecorded data are also used to briefly examine cases of escalation to homicide as an example of how they can offer new insights and greater scope for evaluating risk and effectiveness of interventions.