971 resultados para Socio-economics


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The propositions of pure economics, whatever be their generality and their truth, do not authorize normative concluaions, but cannot be ignored. The latter, namely what ought not to be done, is derivable from socio-economics. The derivation is to be qualified by the specificities of the case. I have called this the Indetermination of Senior; Wagner and Marshall were quite aware of it. The habit of ignoring it is the Ricardian Vice; Schmoller's fight may have been a reaction against the latter. The Methodenstreit was the first great paradigmatic conflict between pure and social economists.

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This work had the aim of investigating the effect of policing over crime rates, analyzing both the municipalities of São Paulo as well the Brazilian states. The analysis of counties developed for four types of criminal practices classified as theft, burglary, robbery and vehicle theft and murders, while the second analysis of the Brazilian states was restricted to murders. The São Paulo counties crime data were extracted from the Bureau of Public Security of the State of São Paulo and the Brazilian state data has the Datasus/SIM as the main source. The model used is based on the economic theory of crime proposed by Becker (1968). The attempt of measuring the police effect over crime was carry on for 2 variables: the police force and the public security expenditure. Besides those variables, control variables were added to the regressions such as demographic and socio-economics, compiled from various sources. Models were estimated with fixed effects panel methodology, controlling for the simultaneity bias of the relationship between policing and crime in a two stages regression. The results, especially in the regressions for the Brazilian states, illustrate the positive bias of simultaneity between police and crime, once the firsts regressions, that did not control for this endogeneity, resulted in positive parameters, while all regressions in two stages resulted in negative coefficients for the police variable, which are significant when expenditure is used as public security measure. The São Paulo counties regressions, we found evidence that the existence of a municipality guard may have a reduction effect over thefts rate.

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Piranhas-Açu basin is a Federal watershed with a drainage area of 43.681,5 km2, sited at Brazilian northeast semi arid, with 60% of your area in Paraiba State and 40% in Rio Grande do Norte State. The main river, Piranhas-Açu, has strategic importance for development of these states, because it s an essential source for many socio-economics activities developed along watercourse. The river s reach between Coremas-Mãe D`água Dam and Armando Ribeiro Gonçalves Dam has many irrigation projects, and supply many riverside cities. All this activities practiced in this river s reach consumes high water volumes. Due the importance of this stream and the necessity of an adequate management, this work aims for an impartial and detailed evaluation of real water supply conditions in this river s reach, by the application of hydrological modeling, including the arrangement of main dams in tributaries, and storage reservoir water balance. The rainfall-discharge model s applied in each sub-basins it was selected the model MODHISA- Hydrological Model of Semi Arid, that is a concentrated model with easy application. The simulation produced 50 years of inflows into the reservoirs, for which, were constructed the guaranties curves; and produced 50 years of synthetic discharge data in relevant points on the river and on its affluents; so it was constructed the permanence curves. Confronting the available discharge with the current and futures volumes of raw water captured in this river s reach, it was verified that de demands have high guaranties. This work concluded that the MODHISA Model is suitable to reproduce the hydrologic characteristics of Piranhas-Açu sub-basins, and showing good results

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Este trabalho é um estudo sobre participação e envolvimento sócio-político dos moradores da área de Retiro Grande na Ilha do Marajó, no Município de Cachoeira do Arari. Esta área foi escolhida por ser uma localidade situada numa região onde predominam baixas condições socioeconômicas, porém, onde seus moradores começaram a se organizar para superar os problemas e carências que enfrentavam. Estas ações começaram com empreendimentos realizados de forma associativa na própria área e se expandiram até a participação na esfera pública local. O objetivo desta investigação é descortinar quais os elementos que permitiram (facilitaram) os processos de organização, ação coletiva e participação política entre os moradores dessa localidade. Dois fatores foram considerados: a escolarização e o capital social. As questões que nortearam esta investigação foram: qual o papel desempenhado pelo capital social no desencadeamento dos processos de organização e engajamento comunitário na área de Retiro Grande? Qual a influência da escolarização sobre os níveis de participação e envolvimento sócio-político dos seus moradores. Para fazer esta investigação primeiro fez-se uma revisão da bibliografia sobre o capital social e escolarização assim como sobre o Município de Cachoeira do Arari. Na fase seguinte tratou-se da pesquisa de campo para a obtenção dos dados a serem analisados. Conclui-se que o capital social gerado a partir dos fatores de coesão da comunidade foi o fator fundamental para produzir a capacidade de organização e envolvimento comunitário dos moradores de Retiro Grande e o desenvolvimento entre eles da participação social e política. Contudo o capital social produzido e acumulado foi relevante por meio da atuação da igreja católica nesta região, estimulando organização e a formando de lideranças locais. A escolarização não teve papel relevante nestes processos, foi, ao contrário, uma resultante da operação destes fatores.

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This paper is a review of the socio-economic literature on consumption. Considering consumption as a social activity, it examines how consumption solves the problems of interest, knowledge, and identity. It also discusses the main themes and important contributions in each category and offers suggestions for further research.

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The topic of bioenergy, biofuels and bioproducts remains at the top of the current political and research agenda. Identification of the optimum processing routes for biomass, in terms of efficiency, cost, environment and socio-economics is vital as concern grows over the remaining fossil fuel resources, climate change and energy security. It is known that the only renewable way of producing conventional hydrocarbon fuels and organic chemicals is from biomass, but the problem remains of identifying the best product mix and the most efficient way of processing biomass to products. The aim is to move Europe towards a biobased economy and it is widely accepted that biorefineries are key to this development. A methodology was required for the generation and evaluation of biorefinery process chains for converting biomass into one or more valuable products that properly considers performance, cost, environment, socio-economics and other factors that influence the commercial viability of a process. In this thesis a methodology to achieve this objective is described. The completed methodology includes process chain generation, process modelling and subsequent analysis and comparison of results in order to evaluate alternative process routes. A modular structure was chosen to allow greater flexibility and allowing the user to generate a large number of different biorefinery configurations The significance of the approach is that the methodology is defined and is thus rigorous and consistent and may be readily re-examined if circumstances change. There was the requirement for consistency in structure and use, particularly for multiple analyses. It was important that analyses could be quickly and easily carried out to consider, for example, different scales, configurations and product portfolios and so that previous outcomes could be readily reconsidered. The result of the completed methodology is the identification of the most promising biorefinery chains from those considered as part of the European Biosynergy Project.

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This unique and path-breaking Handbook explores the issue of comparative Human Resource Management (HRM) and challenges the notion that there can be a 'one best way' to manage HRM. The Handbook of Research on Comparative Human Resource Management provides a theoretical, practical and regional analysis of comparative HRM. This book, edited by two specialists on comparative HRM and written by leading experts on each topic and from each region, explores the range of different approaches to conceptualising HRM, and highlights HRM policy and practice that occur in the various regions of the world. As such, the volume provides a challenge to the typical assumption that there are consistent problems in managing human resources around the globe that call for standardised solutions. Instead, the contributors emphasise the importance of institutional and cultural factors that make HRM a most context-sensitive management task. Offering a comprehensive view for readers with different interests, this insightful Handbook will prove to be an essential resource for academics, researchers and postgraduate students in international business, business administration, HRM, socio-economics and cross-cultural management. Practitioners interested in the cultural aspects of HRM will also find this Handbook invaluable.

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The paper applies the GVC framework to analyse the organisational and geographical reconfiguration of the global R&D function of leading US and European pharmaceutical MNCs. Though pharmaceutical MNCs have been outsourcing clinical trial activities since the mid-1990s, the outsourcing of discovery research tasks is a phenomenon of the 2000s (Ramirez 2013). Moreover, in the context of a crisis of R&D productivity and increasing pressure from shareholders, a number of US and European pharmaceutical MNCs are breaking up their R&D function in an attempt to increase flexibility and reduce risk as well as costs and are thereby restructuring the global architecture of their R&D function. This break-up, or unbundling (Sako 2006), of the R&D function is particularly interesting given the prevalence of market failure in innovation (Howells et al 2008), the non-modular nature of the R&D process in this industry (Pisano 2006) and the strategic important of this activity to the core competence and long-term competitive advantage of firms in this sector. The focus of this paper is on the outsourcing of R&D activities to Chinese and Indian independently-owned contract research organisations (CROs) and the way these firms are becoming integrated as service providers into the global R&D function (or R&D value chain) of pharmaceutical MNCs. Above all the paper is concerned with the development of capabilities of CROs from these two countries and the dynamics of upgrading in GVCs in knowledge-intensive functions. The paper therefore discusses the role of both knowledge flows within global pharmaceutical R&D value chains as well as national innovation systems on the development of capabilities of Chinese and Indian CROs. Our analysis is based on data from semi-structured interviews collected from senior R&D managers from a sample of ten US and European pharmaceutical MNCs and owners and senior R&D managers from five Chinese and five Indian CROs who are providing research services to MNCs in this industry. We discuss the emergence of R&D outsourcing in this industry and the nature and mechanisms of knowledge flows within R&D value chains. The embeddedness of CROS in the national innovation systems of their home countries is also discussed.

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The caste system in India and its exploitative nature has been well researched (Siddique 2011 Gupta 2000). However, the role of caste in Indian employment relations and in particular its role in the labor movement in India is yet to be fully explored. The primary aim of this paper is to examine the rise of caste- based trade unions in India over the past decade. Specifically, we aim to examine why the lower-caste workers (historically treated as untouchables, referred to as ‘Dalits’and officially designated as Scheduled Caste and Tribes) are leaving established trade unions to organize their own unions along caste lines? While fragmentation of trade unions is a well-known phenomenon both in India and in the Western World (Shyam Sundar 2015; Connolly et al. 2014), the rise of caste based trade unions is a relatively new phenomenon which is yet to be fully explored. Caste based trade unionism appears to be counter-intuitive when the conventional logic suggests that unions are class based collective institutions which represent the interest of the working classes (Ramaswamy 1976). The Indian trade union movement has historically been fragmented along political ideological lines ranging from moderate unions affiliated to the Congress Party to the militant unions affiliated to the Communist and Socialist parties. However, the rise of caste-based trade unions of the lower caste workers is a relatively new phenomenon. Our findings from surveys and interviews with mainstream unions and caste-based trade unions suggest that the caste-based trade unions are unique in at least three ways. First, these unions are breaking away from well-established radical and militant union federations such as those affiliated to the Communist and Socialist parties. Second, these unions are predominantly organized on caste identities and not occupational identities or political ideologies. Third in unionized workplaces, lower caste workers are forming their own separate unions along caste lines with membership restricted only to workers of their own caste instead of joining the mainstream unions where present. We examine these issues using the analytical framework of Paulo Freire (1970) – dialogics, praxis and cultural oppression and relate it with the insights from comparative politics which examine the role of actors & their interests within institutions (Peters 2011).

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Quién Es, Quién Somos? Spic’ing into Existence claims a four-fold close-reading: first, analysis of texts: from theoretical meditations to (prison) memoir and film. Second, a half dozen central figures appear, largely Latinx and black American. They cut across a score of registers, socio-economics, ideological reservations, but all are, as Carl Carlton sang, poetry in motion. Writers, poets, theologians, pathologists, artists, comedians, actors, students whose vocation is invocation, the inner surge of their calling. Third, the manuscript draws from a series of historical moments—from radical liberation of the late 60s, to contemporary student activism. Finally, this body of work is movement, in all its social, gestural, and kinesthetic viscera. From this last heading, we peel away layers of what I call the ethnopoet, the fascia undoing that reveals its bio-political anatomy, dressing its bare life with kinship speech. First, the social revolutions of the Civil Rights, Black Power, abolitionism, the Black Panthers and Young Lords, boycotts and jarring artistic performances. These events are superficial not in vain sense, but key epicenters of underground murmurings, the workings of a cunning assailant. She robs not lavish estates, but another day to breathe. Gesturally, as perhaps the interlocutor, lies this author, interspersing his own diatribes to conjure her presence. The final branch is admittedly the most intangible. Kinesthetically, we map the nimbleness, footwork lígera of what I call the ethnopoet. Ethnopoet is no mere aggregate of ethnicity and poetry, but like chemical reaction, the descriptor for its behavior under certain pressures, temperatures, and elements. Elusive and resisting confinement, and therefore definition, the ethnopoet is a shapeshifting figure of how racialized bodies [people of color] respond to hegemonic powers. She is, at bottom, however, a native translator, the plural-lensed subject whose loyalty is only to the imagination of a different world, one whose survival is not contingent upon her exploitation. The native translator’s constant re-calibrations of oppressive power apparatuses seem taxing at best, and near-impossible, at worst. To effectively navigate through these polarized loci, she must identify ideologies that in turn seek “affective liberatory sances” in relation to the dominant social order (43). In a kind of performative contradiction, she must marshall the knowledge necessary to “break with ideology” while speaking within it. Chicana Studies scholar, Chela Sandoval, describes this dual movement as “meta-ideologizing”: the appropriation of hegemonic ideological forms in order to transform them (82). Nuestros padres se subieron encima de La Bestia, y por eso somos pasageros a ese tren. Y ya, dentro su pansa, tenemos que ser vigilantes cuando plantamos las bombas. In Methodology of the Oppressed, Sandoval schematizes this oppositional consciousness around five principle categories: “equal rights,” “revolutionary,” “supremacist,” “separatist,” and “differential.” Taken by themselves, the first four modes appear mutually exclusive, incapable of occupying the same plane, until a fifth pillar emerges. Cinematographic in nature, differential consciousness, as Sandoval defines it, is “a kinetic motion that maneuvers, poetically transfigures, and orchestrates while demanding alienation, perversion, and reformation in both spectators and practitioners” (44). For Sandoval, then, differential consciousness is a methodology that privileges an incredible sense mobility, one reaching artistic sensibilities. Our fourth and final analytic of movement serves an apt example of this dual meaning. Lexically speaking, ‘movement’ may be regarded as a political mobilization of aggrieved populations (through sustained efforts), or the process of moving objects (people or otherwise) from one location to another. Praxis-wise, it is both action and ideal, content and form. Thus, an ethnic poetics must be regarded less as a series of stanzas, shortened lyric, or even arrangement of language, but as a lens through which peripheralized peoples kaleidecope ideological positions in an “original, eccentric, and queer sight” (43). Taking note of the advantages of postponing identifications, the thesis stands its ground on the term ethnopoet. Its abstraction is not dewey-eyed philosophy, but an anticipation of poetic justice, of what’s to come from callused hands. This thesis is divided into 7.5 chapters. The first maps out the ethnopoet’s cartographies of struggle. By revisiting that alleged Tío Tomas, Richard Rodriguez, we unearth the tensions that negatively, deny citizenship to one silo, but on the flipside, engender manifold ways of seeing, hearing, and moving . The second, through George Jackson’s prison memoirs, pans out from this ethnography of power, groping for an apparatus that feigns an impervious prestige: ‘the aesthetic regime of coercion.’ In half-way cut, the thesis sidesteps to spic into existence, formally announcing, through Aime Cesaire, myself, and Pedro Pietri, the poeticization of trauma. Such uplift denies New Age transcendence of self, but a rehearsal of our entrapment in these mortal envelopes. Thirdly, conscious of the bleeding ethnic body, we cut open the incipient corpse to observe her pathologist. Her native autopsies offer the ethnic body’s posthumous recognition, the ethnopoetics ability to speak for and through the dead. Chapter five examines prolific black artists—Beyonce and Kendrick Lamar—to elide the circumvention of their consumption via invoking radical black hi/her-stories, ones fragmenting the black body. Sixth, the paper compares the Black Power Salute of the 1968 Mexico City Olympics to Duke’s Mi Gente Boycott of their Latino Student Recruitment Weekend. Both wielded “silent gestures,” that shrewdly interfered with white noise of numbed negligence. Finally, ‘taking the mask off’ that are her functionalities, the CODA expounds on ethnopoet’s interiority, particularly after the rapid re-calibration of her politics. Through a rerun of El Chavo del Ocho, one of Mexican television’s most cherished shows, we tune into the heart-breaking indigence of barrio residents, only to marvel at the power of humor to, as Friday’s John Witherspoon put it, “fight another day.” This thesis is the tip of my tongue. Y por una vez, déjala que cante.

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Control and management of Uganda fishery resources has been hindered by among other factors the multispecies nature of the resource and the characteristic behaviour of the fishing communities. Fishermen have both genuine and uncompromising attitudes as to why they carry out certain fishing technologies. All fishing activities aim at maximizing the catches or profits while others may fish on a small scale for subsistence. Sensitizing the" fisherfolk on the appropriate fishing technologies, importance of awell regulated fishery exploitation and their participation in control and management of the resource would enhance or lead to increased and sustainable fish production. Socio-economics of fishing technologies were therefore examined using prepared questionnaires and reasons why the fishing communities behave the way they do established.

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El conocimiento campesino se ha pensado como un cúmulo de saberes y prácticas tradicionales que las personas que trabajan la tierra han aprendido y transmitido de generación en generación. Pero para el análisis de las relaciones que construyen los campesinos con la tierra, el agua, las semillas, los cultivos, los químicos, las herramientas de trabajo y el dinero, es importante considerar el conocimiento campesino como una red de aprendizajes, saberes, experiencias, prácticas y relaciones territoriales. Aquella red se teje desde múltiples actores tales como funcionarios de instituciones estatales y bancarias, empresarios, familiares, vecinos y amigos, quienes inciden, influyen e intervienen en los recursos que manejan los campesinos. Esta tesis aborda la construcción, reconstrucción y materialización del conocimiento sobre el trabajo en la tierra que han configurado campesinos agricultores en el municipio de Zona Bananera, Magdalena. En las parcelas que poseen dichas personas, han confluido diferentes controles sobre el uso de recursos por parte de empresas bananeras y extractoras de aceite, trabajadores del Instituto Colombiano para la Reforma Agraria INCORA, gobiernos locales y docentes de educación superior. Allí, los campesinos por medio de su conocimiento han apropiado, negociado, disputado y resistido saberes que regulan, restringen y direccionan el manejo de recursos en sus tierras.