721 resultados para Rural social movements
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Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS
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A pesquisa trata da atuação dos movimentos sociais ocorridos no entorno do complexo industrial de Barcarena, após a implantação das empresas Albrás, Alunorte e Pará Pigmentos, que deram origem às associações de moradores e produtores rurais. O objetivo é a identificação dos principais movimentos surgidos e existentes, analisando-os à luz da Teoria dos Novos Movimentos Sociais. A partir de uma pesquisa exploratória, alicerçada no referencial bibliográfico, busca-se ainda verificar as vertentes pelas quais enveredaram os movimentos sociais que deram origem às entidades representativas no município. A pesquisa de campo realizou-se entre os anos de 2003 e 2004 junto a 15 associações existentes em Barcarena e que envolvem 18 comunidades rurais e urbanas, onde se aplicou questionários para verificar como estas encaminhando suas reivindicações e se relacionando com os poderes locais. Foram realizadas ainda entrevistas com técnicos das empresas e da Prefeitura e com antigos moradores. Dentre os resultados da análise de dados, pode-se afirmar há uma diferença entre as aspirações dos movimentos sociais urbanos e rurais, mas as principais reivindicações referem-se a melhoria da infraestrutura, saúde, educação e desenvolvimento agrícola. A identificação dos principais movimentos sociais em Barcarena foi um dos resultados esperados no decorrer da pesquisa, pois não se pode afirmar que exista um típico movimento social em Barcarena que faça contraponto às empresas no sentido de protesto, mas o movimento existe e é bastante ativo nos moldes dos novos movimentos sociais. Conclui-se que no enfrentamento cotidiano entre empresas e comunidades, o que prevalece é a categoria de movimento popular, onde as reivindicações coletivas voltam-se para a melhoria das condições de vida e de aspectos que envolvem seu cotidiano, além, é claro, da defesa de seu modo de produção e reprodução de vida.
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This paper has as objective to analyze the foundry work politics made by the Olívio Dutra's government in the state of Rio Grande do Sul-Brazil, being taken into account their guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle promoted between the social leaders from the rural area and the achieved global results. This government's freshness is related to the fact of it was being sustained and supported by a coalition of left wing parties and by a group of social movements and also by syndical entities of the field, which was decisive in the presentation of an antagonistic program to the neoliberal politics on energy in a national extent. Hence this government became committed in adopting an own foundry work politics, being opposed to the program of market land reform extolled by Cardoso's government, in national wide. Therefore, the results presented along the article demonstrate that in spite of the assumed commitments and, in face of legal, institutional and economical limitations and also its existent politics, the space of the state governments' performance can only be thought about its complemental character on the federal government's actions.
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This paper has as objective to analyze the foundry work politics made by the Olívio Dutra's government in the state of Rio Grande do Sul-Brazil, being taken into account their guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle promoted between the social leaders from the rural area and the achieved global results. This government's freshness is related to the fact of it was being sustained and supported by a coalition of left wing parties and by a group of social movements and also by syndical entities of the field, which was decisive in the presentation of an antagonistic program to the neoliberal politics on energy in a national extent. Hence this government became committed in adopting an own foundry work politics, being opposed to the program of market land reform extolled by Cardoso's government, in national wide. Therefore, the results presented along the article demonstrate that in spite of the assumed commitments and, in face of legal, institutional and economical limitations and also its existent politics, the space of the state governments' performance can only be thought about its complemental character on the federal government's actions.
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This paper has as objective to analyze the foundry work politics made by the Olívio Dutra's government in the state of Rio Grande do Sul-Brazil, being taken into account their guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle promoted between the social leaders from the rural area and the achieved global results. This government's freshness is related to the fact of it was being sustained and supported by a coalition of left wing parties and by a group of social movements and also by syndical entities of the field, which was decisive in the presentation of an antagonistic program to the neoliberal politics on energy in a national extent. Hence this government became committed in adopting an own foundry work politics, being opposed to the program of market land reform extolled by Cardoso's government, in national wide. Therefore, the results presented along the article demonstrate that in spite of the assumed commitments and, in face of legal, institutional and economical limitations and also its existent politics, the space of the state governments' performance can only be thought about its complemental character on the federal government's actions.
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A dissertação investigou a experiência da Casa da Casa Familiar Rural de Cametá com o objetivo mais amplo de identificar as contribuições da experiência para a vida,formação/escolarização e trabalho dos sujeitos do campo cametaense. Em sentido específico objetivou analisar como se dá a participação dos sujeitos na dinâmica da Casa Familiar Rural de Cametá; identificar os mecanismos utilizados pela Casa Familiar Rural de Cametá para motivar a participação dos sujeitos e as contribuições da Casa Familiar Rural de Cametá na visão dos sujeitos que participam direta ou indiretamente da experiência. O estudo se desenvolveu numa abordagem qualitativa de pesquisa, utilizando-se da entrevista semi-estruturada com jovens, pais, monitores, docentes, coordenação pedagógica, egresso, representantes dos movimentos sociais e membros da comunidade; e estudo documental analisando o referencial que dá suporte legal à experiência da Casa Familiar Rural de Cametá, e os cadernos dos alunos e documentos internos da experiência. O estudo permitiu por um lado, constatar que a experiência da Casa Familiar Rural de Cametá é significativa para os sujeitos do campo, uma vez que os conhecimentos são organizados a partir da realidade dos mesmos. Nesse sentido, foi possível identificar que a proposta assentada na Pedagogia da Alternância pode ser uma alternativa educacional viável para o campo cametaense. A partir das entrevistas identificamos o esforço para que ocorra a integração escola/família/comunidade na dinâmica educacional da CFR de Cametá, ainda que existam condicionantes que limitam e dificultam a participação dos sujeitos, entre os quais a condição socioeconômica das famílias e da comunidade, a perda de autonomia financeira da CFR de Cametá e a localização da escola distanciada do local de moradia das famílias. Apesar das dificuldades há uma significativa contribuição da CFR para os jovens do campo cametaense uma vez que a mesma é vista pêlos sujeitos como uma possibilidade de fortalecimento da educação do campo, do desenvolvimento das unidades produtivas com a introdução de técnicas ligadas à agricultura familiar e o fortalecimento da comunidade na luta pela legitimação dos direitos sociais. A pesquisa intencionou contribuir também com o Movimento Paraense Por uma Educação do Campo no sentido de reconhecer e problematizar as inúmeras experiências de educação gestadas no Estado do Pará pelos movimentos sociais, apontando elementos teóricos para esse debate.
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As world food and fuel prices threaten expanding urban populations, there is greater need for the urban poor to have access and claims over how and where food is produced and distributed. This is especially the case in marginalized urban settings where high proportions of the population are food insecure. The global movement for food sovereignty has been one attempt to reclaim rights and participation in the food system and challenge corporate food regimes. However, given its origins from the peasant farmers' movement, La Via Campesina, food sovereignty is often considered a rural issue when increasingly its demands for fair food systems are urban in nature. Through interviews with scholars, urban food activists, non-governmental and grassroots organizations in Oakland and New Orleans in the United States of America, we examine the extent to which food sovereignty has become embedded as a concept, strategy and practice. We consider food sovereignty alongside other dominant US social movements such as food justice, and find that while many organizations do not use the language of food sovereignty explicitly, the motives behind urban food activism are similar across movements as local actors draw on elements of each in practice. Overall, however, because of the different histories, geographic contexts, and relations to state and capital, food justice and food sovereignty differ as strategies and approaches. We conclude that the US urban food sovereignty movement is limited by neoliberal structural contexts that dampen its approach and radical framework. Similarly, we see restrictions on urban food justice movements that are also operating within a broader framework of market neoliberalism. However, we find that food justice was reported as an approach more aligned with the socio-historical context in both cities, due to its origins in broader class and race struggles.
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“Fostering digital participation through Living Labs in regional and rural Australian communities,” is a three year research project funded by the Australian Research Council. The project aims to identify the specific digital needs and practices of regional and rural residents in the context of the implementation of high speed internet. It seeks to identify new ways for enabling residents to develop their digital confidence and skills both at home and in the community. This two-day symposium will bring together researchers and practitioners from diverse backgrounds to discuss design practices in social living labs that aim to foster digital inclusion and participation. Day one will consist of practitioner and research reports, while day two will provide an opportunity for participants to imagine and design future digital participation strategies. Academic participants will also have an opportunity to contribute to a refereed edited volume by Chandos Publishing (an imprint of Elsevier).
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In the ashes of political and socio-economic collapse, social movements sometimes rise like a phoenix. Little more than a year has passed since the Tunisian uprisings, the spark that ignited a series of “mobilizations of the indignant” that spread like wildfire around the world. Many observers have reported on these unprecedented global protests. They have portrayed citizens who declare feeling marginalized if not scapegoated, and who reject the increasing inequalities between rich and poor, the declining mobility of most, and the “disclassment” of many. They have shown, as well, massive protests against governments and politicians that are perceived as indifferent at best, duplicitous at worst, and in any event as blatantly closed to popular concerns. Many journalists have indeed asked what took so long for people to protest given this fatal combination. For the social scientist, however, the questions of who, why and how mobilizes are not so simple. There are specific problematics of mediation between structure, culture and individual or collective agency that need to be addressed.
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El presente Estudio de Caso, tiene como propósito de hacer un estudio sobre el papel articulador de la Marcha Patriótica y el Congreso de los Pueblos, teniendo en cuenta las distintas acciones colectivas que han desarrollado desde sus orígenes en la búsqueda de la paz. Dichas acciones han tenido cobertura nacional y que por ende, están jugando un rol muy importante en la movilización social por la paz en Colombia. En este sentido se hace necesario identificar a partir de la teoría de los movimientos sociales y las conceptualizaciones sobre la paz el carácter de estos actores, sus acciones y las perspectivas y limitaciones para consolidarse como referentes políticos en la lucha por la paz.
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This program resumes the history of the political-pedagogic actions on the Serviço de Assistência Rural SAR, of Natal archdiocese, and analyses the contributions of this actions on the process of rural workers organization in the social movements on the countryside. The educative actions of the RAS are happening in a permanent tension between the pedagogic project of a church in change and, a pedagogy of the groups, communities and social movements, that is centered in the cultural action, in the culture lived from its condition of citizens. This research reveals that this entity fulfilled a strategic attribution for the Natal s church on the formation of the community leaderships, at a first moment and leaderships for social movements. Before the military dictatorship, the work methodology of this entity had as priority, begin from the reality leaved by the rural workers in the expectation that these became to qualify themselves for a more citizen participation in the call development. During the military regime, the entity goes measuring theirs activities in the new context, until the moment that redefines the work line. Goes then defining regions and thematic of operation supporting the fights for land, salary campaigns, women agricultural workers organizations. The pedagogy of work has as one of its supporters the Paulo Freire s pedagogy, privileging the dialog as a source of production of knowledge from the reality leaved in a permanent transformation. The actions of this entity, with the groups and social movements, produces the necessary knowledge for the organization of the rural workers while individual and social subjects of a changing world. The process of action-reflection of the activities intended, by a creative form, a permanent production of strategies of fight of the workers. Research ever, not to make accommodate itself to the new knowledge acquired in the action-reflection it is part of the pedagogical idea of this Institution. One searched in this process of formation of the man and the woman to question the reality, to create actionreflection-action spaces on the fights for a possible transition of an ingenuous conscience for a critical conscience, in view of the transformation of the structures that oppresses them
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Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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O artigo discute a influência do movimento social rural sobre as mudanças na política de apoio ao pequeno produtor rural e para a criação de parcerias entre o Governo e as Organizações Locais para o desenvolvimento local na Amazônia, em particular no estado do Pará. O objetivo do artigo é examinar a parceria como um resultado de um processo interativo entre as mudanças nas políticas públicas e as demandas dos movimentos sociais. O artigo mostra que embora os movimentos sociais façam parte de uma relação conflituosa entre o Estado e a sociedade civil, tais movimentos no estado do Pará foram uma pré-condição para mudanças na política pública, estrutura de financiamento e prioridades das agencias regionais que resultaram em proposições para cooperação entre o Governo e as Organizações Locais em nível municipal.