900 resultados para Rural schools -- Peru


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Published also as thesis (PH. D.) Columbia university, 1921.

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The workshop will invite participants to engage in a discussion of the characteristics of outstanding leadership by taking part in an interactive activity which we have developed and used in different types of schools and colleges in England. The activity uses Q-methodology to develop and refine characteristics of outstanding leaders and outstanding leadership in education from a range of stakeholder perspectives. Q-methodology is a research method which originates from psychology and is used to study people's subjective viewpoints. We are applying the methodology to the study of enacted leadership practice in different educational contexts. Our sample of stakeholders consists of school and college leaders, governors, middle leaders, teachers, teacher educators, researchers and scholars in educational leadership and management research and practice. The range of contexts in which they work represents different age phases of education; primary, secondary and further education colleges, urban and rural schools and colleges and selective and non-selective schools. In the workshop participants will be invited to take part in the Q-sort activity we have used with in our research, using statements from leadership theory and practice. The Q-sort will be followed by discussion and reflection on the statements in relation to participants’ own experiences of leadership, management and governance in different contexts.

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The attitude of school teachers toward inclusion of children with disabilities is an important factor in the successful implementation of a national inclusion program. With the universal pressure to provide education for all and international recognition of the importance of meeting the needs of diverse populations, inclusive education has become important to governments around the world. El Salvador’s Ministry of Education seeks to establish inclusion as an integral part of their struggle to meet the needs of children across the country, but this is a difficult process, especially for a country with limited resources which still struggles to meet international expectations of educational access and quality. Teacher attitude is an important factor in the success of inclusion programs and can be investigated in relation to various factors which may affect teachers’ classroom practice. While these factors have been investigated in multiple countries, there is a need for more knowledge of the present situation in developing countries and especially in schools across the rural areas of El Salvador to meet the needs of the diverse learners in that country. My research was a mixed methods case study of the rural schools of one municipality, using a published survey and interviews with teachers to investigate their attitudes regarding inclusion. This research was the first investigation of teachers’ attitudes toward inclusion in rural El Salvador and explored the needs and challenges which exist in creating inclusive schools across this country. The findings of this study revealed the following important themes. Some children with disabilities are not in school and those with mild disabilities are not always getting needed services. Teachers agreed with the philosophy of inclusion, but believed that some children with disabilities would receive a better education in special schools. They were not concerned about classroom management. Teachers desired more training on disability and inclusion. They believed that a lack of resources, including materials and personnel, was a major barrier to inclusion. Teachers’ attitudes were consistent regardless of family and professional experience with disability or amount of inclusion training. They were concerned about the role of family support for children with disabilities.

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Extended exposure to ultrafine particles (UFPs) may lead to consequences in children due to their increased susceptibility when compared to older individuals. Since children spend in average 8 h/day in primary schools, assessing the number concentrations of UFPs in these institutions is important in order to evaluate the health risk for children in primary schools caused by indoor air pollution. Thus, the purpose of this study was to assess and determine the sources of indoor UFP number concentrations in urban and rural Portuguese primary schools. Indoor and outdoor ultrafine particle (UFP) number concentrations were measured in six urban schools (US) and two rural schools (RS) located in the north of Portugal, during the heating season. The mean number concentrations of indoor UFPs were significantly higher in urban schools than in rural ones (10.4 × 10(3) and 5.7 × 10(3) pt/cm(3), respectively). Higher UFP levels were associated with higher squared meters per student, floor levels closer to the ground, chalk boards, furniture or floor covering materials made of wood and windows with double-glazing. Indoor number concentrations of ultrafine-particles were inversely correlated with indoor CO2 levels. In the present work, indoor and outdoor concentrations of UFPs in public primary schools located in urban and rural areas were assessed, and the main sources were identified for each environment. The results not only showed that UFP pollution is present in augmented concentrations in US when compared to RS but also revealed some classroom/school characteristics that influence the concentrations of UFPs in primary schools.

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The promotion of educational equity and improvement of educational quality in China are contextualised in tenets of Confucianism and policy directives, inspiring educational research and practice. In this paper, we first explore the historical and cultural roots of educational equity and quality through Confucianism and elaborate on the current policy priority that aims to address educational equity and quality. We then present an overview of research on equity and quality in Chinese education. Informed by Confucianism, policy, and research, we pose a framework to structure our investigation and analysis of three illustrative examples, namely the Special Post Teacher Plan, amalgamation of rural schools, and schooling of floating children. Drawing insights from Confucianism, policy, research, and practice, we conclude that the promotion of educational equity through high quality provision of education for disadvantaged groups can help to narrow the gap in educational quality currently existing in China.

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Over its history, the International Journal of Inclusive Education has had a strong record of naming, critiquing and redressing the ways in which particular social locations shape experiences of inclusion and exclusion in education. In this special issue, we continue this tradition taking as our focus those who live outside the metropolitan mainstream. To date, rural schools and the communities of which they are part have often been overlooked by researchers of inclusive education. This is not to suggest that the rural has been ignored entirely in research on inclusivity and schooling. For example, a number of studies have included rural case studies as part of broader research on subjects such as educational disadvantage and experiences of poverty (Horgan 2009), inclusivity and early childhood services (Penn 1997), constraints to inclusive educational practice (Shevlin, Winter, and Flynn 2013) and the efficacy of inclusivity training programmes for teachers (Strieker, Logan, and Kuhel 2012). Such work provides a critical reference point for this special issue as it has demon- strated that the educational landscape may be very differently experienced in the rural compared to the urban. Illustrative is Wikeley et al.’s (2009, 381) assertion that working class Irish youth living outside the urban sphere are ‘doubly disadvantaged’ in terms of accessing out-of-school activities and Milovanovic et al.’s (2014, 47) claim that for young children in the Western Balkans, there is a ‘dearth of pre-school provision in rural areas’. As well as highlighting cleavages of disadvantage as they exist between urban and rural schools, work in this journal has also revealed disadvantage that exists within rural schools. This scholarship has explored how particular social locations, such as disability, ethnicity, sexuality, gender and class intersect with rurality to produce very different educational biographies. For example, it may be class, as Holt (2012) found in her study of young rural women’s transition to a city university, or it may be gender, as Tuwor and Sossou (2008) posited in their work on the schooling of girls in West Africa.

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XX. mendearen amaierako “Teknologia berrien” agerpena da “Iraultza Digitala” deritzonaren jatorria. Hezkuntza sistema ez da honetatik kanpo egon, geletan erantsi dituelarik, landa eskoletan aipagarri suertatzen den modura. IKTek elementu berriak txertatu dituzte hezkuntzan, transformazio sakon bat eraginez, bai ikuspuntu teknologikotik, eta baita pedagogikotik ere. Nafarroako herri txiki ezberdinetako testuinguari erreferentzia eginez, landa eskoletan egiten den IKTen erabileran oinarritzen da ikerketa hau. Ikasleek teknologia berriak modu eraginkor eta esanguratsuan erabiltzen dituzte, auto-ikaskuntza bultzatuz; modu honetan, IKTak baliabide praktiko, erabilgarri eta baliogarriak bihurtzen dira irakaslearentzat. Horrela, IKTek eskola hauetako ikas-irakas prozesua errazten dutela eta, gainera, honen kalitatea hobetzen dutela egiaztatzen da.

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The bulletin is a report of the State Supervisor of Elementary Rural Schools. It includes field work, rural school progress, and recommendations.

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Les escoles rurals de la zona Salines-Bassegoda es troben, com la majoria d'escoles rurals del país, en un procés de transformació permanent i profund. Aquesta transformació és amplia perquè afecta la morfología, la composició i la dinàmica de la mateixa escola. D'altra banda, també veiem com es modifica l'estructura económicoproductiva dels pobles i l'estructura i composició dels seus habitants. És per aixó que crec necessari analitzar de forma simultània l'evolució i característiques de l'escola, del medi i de la població

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Aquesta tesi doctoral té quatre objectius fonamentals: 1) analitzar la legislació espanyola i catalana referent a l'escola unitària i cíclica -altrament dita escola rural, escola incompleta o escola petita- des de final del segle XIX fins avui; 2) analitzar la política educativa teòrica i real que s'ha aplicat a aquest tipus d'escola des del final del segle XIX fins avui; 3) analitzar l'evolució del mapa escolar de les comarques gironines -i més concretament l'evolució de l'escola unitària i cíclica- durant el període 1970-1998; i 4) copsar les característiques bàsiques de les escoles unitàries i cícliques de les comarques gironines que impartien docència durant el curs 1997-98. L'aconseguiment d'aquest objectius han estat precedits i condicionats a la vegada per l'emmarcament teòric que hem elaborat i per la metodologia que hem aplicat. Pel que fa als aspectes pròpiament teòrics hem establert a grosso modo dues reflexions bàsiques: a) l'escola unitària i cíclica ha experimentat un procés de transformació notable des del final de la dècada dels 70 fins avui dia, i b) l'escola unitària i cíclica té un gran potencial pedagògic, relacional i humà arran dels "límits" objectius que té. En l'emmarcament teòric afirmem que l'escola "petita" ha evolucionat -sempre en termes generals- d'una manera positiva gràcies a la confluència de diversos factors. D'una banda cal parlar del paper assumit per bona part dels "mestres rurals", els pares i mares, els moviments de renovació pedagògica, el Secretariat d'Escola Rural de Catalunya, els sindicats i alguns partits politics, l'administració educativa i darrerament, el Grup Interuniversitari d'Escola Rural. D'altra banda, no podem oblidar que la millora de l''escola unitària i cíclica també es deu, segons el nostre parer, a l'emergència d'un discurs positivitzador així com a la revalorització social dels pobles "petits" (amb pocs habitants) i especialment dels que tenen una estructura rural. En l'emmarcament teòric també afirmem que l'escola unitària i cíclica compta amb un escenari educatiu privilegiat per impartir una educació més flexible i més oberta. Això es deu, entre altres aspectes, a allò que durant molt de temps s'ha considerat límits estructurals o dèficits: nombre reduït d'alumnes, nombre reduït d'unitats o aules, pocs mestres, espai escolar escàs i a més, molt poc fragmentat, etc. Tots aquests elements, que constitueixen els trets bàsics i més essencials de les escoles unitàries i no tant de les cícliques més grans, propicien allò que B. Bemstein anomena: un text pedagògic integrador, una classificació feble del currículum, un emmarcament dèbil de les relacions socials i una pedagogia invisible. La metodologia que s'ha utilitzat per aconseguir els objectius que hem esmentat es caracteritza per ser plural i per combinar els mètodes quantitatius i els qualitatius. L'objectiu nº1 s'ha aconseguit a través del buidatge i de la interpretació de la normativa referida al nostre objecte d'estudi. L'objectiu nº2 s'ha aconseguit mitjançant l'anàlisi global de la normativa anteriorment comentada i a través de dades estadístiques que provenen de diversos censos escolars. L'objectiu nº3 s'ha acomplert mitjançant el buidatge de les Fulls d'Estadística i dels Fulls d'organització pedagògica (elaborats pel MEC pel Departament d'Ensenyament respectivament). I el darrer objectiu s'ha aconseguit mitjançant l'elaboració d'un qüestionari adreçat a tots els directors i als mestres en plantilla de les escoles unitàries i cícliques. També s'ha elaborat una entrevista semiestructurada que s'ha passat a vuit persones relacionades amb l'escola que aquí ens ocupa. I per últim, també s'ha practicat l'observació participant en una dotzena de centres. Les principals conclusions que hem obtingut -seguint l'orde dels objectius i considerant el que hem exposat en parlar de l'emmarcament teòric són les següents: 1) La política educativa teòrica sobre l'escola unitària i cíclica s'estructura, pel que fa a l'àmbit de l'Estat Espanyol, a l'entorn de set períodes: i) 1838-1910. Des de les instancies governamentals s'accepta aquest tipus d'escola per bé que s'estableixen diferències notables entre les escoles "petites" del món rural i les del món urbà. ii) 1910-1931. S'inicia una política educativa poc favorable perquè s'insta a la graduació de les escoles unitàries i cícliques, malgrat ho facin d'una manera poc ortodoxa. iii) 1931-1939. La política de construccions escolars de la República contempla i fins i tot discrimina d'una manera positiva les escoles incompletes. iv) 1939-1955. EI franquisme de la postguerra tolera, almenys de manera oficial, la presencia i la construcció de noves escoles "petites" per bé que a mesura que s'avança només preveu que es construeixin en el medi rural. v) 1955-1970. S'inicia un procés d'asfíxia que acaba prohibint la construcció d'escoles incompletes. vi) 1971-1982. S'aguditza la política del període anterior. vii) 1982-1995. S'enceta . una política educativa sensible amb l'escola unitària I cíclica. Pel que fa a Catalunya, la política educativa teòrica s'estructura en dos períodes: a) 1981-1987. Es projecta una política més aviat grisa i poc ambiciosa, i b) 1987 fins als nostres dies. Desenvolupament d'una política que, en alguns aspectes, es mostra a favor de l'escola "petita". 2) Malgrat que durant molt temps l'escola unitària cíclica, tant en l'àmbit espanyol com en el català, no hagi tingut una política teòrica favorable ha perdurat fins el dia d'avui. Per fer-nos una idea del que ha representat aquest tipus de centres pensem que són significatives les afirmacions següents: i) L'escola unitària i cíclica és l'única escola pública que existeix a l'Estat espanyol fins al final del segle XIX, ii) L'escola unitària i cíclica augmenta de manera progressivament dades absolutes- fins el 1935, iii) L'escola unitària i cíclica és el tipus de centre més representat -considerant la resta de centres- fins al final de la dècada dels 60. 3) Durant el període 1970-1998 constatem que el mapa escolar de les comarques gironines s'ha transformat notablement arran, tal com succeeix en el conjunt de l'Estat espanyol, de l'expansió progressiva de l'escola graduada o completa. Al curs 1970-71 les comarques gironines tenien 34 escoles graduades (que representaven el 10,9% dels centres públics gironins) i 279 escoles incompletes (149 escoles cícliques 1130 d'unitàries que representaven el 89,1% del total). Al curs 1997-98, en canvi, hem comptabilitzat 111 escoles completes (54,7% dels centres públics) i 92 d'incompletes (72 escoles cícliques i 20 d'unitàries que representen el 45,3%). Malgrat aquesta davallada cal fer pal·lès que avui dia l'escola unitària i cíclica és majoritària (representa el 50% o més dels centres públics) en quatre de les comarques gironines: l'Alt Empordà, el Baix Empordà, la Garrotxa i el Pla de l'Estany. 4) Pel que fa al darrer objectiu, així com els dos aspectes principals que hem plantejat en el marc teòric arribem a les conclusions següents: L'escola unitària i cíclica de les comarques gironines si bé és cert que en termes generals ha millorat notablement -ha millorat la infraestructura, ha incrementat el material didàctic, ha incorporat mestres especialistes, etc.- no ha assolit encara la plena normalització. Avui dia encara trobem escoles que per deixadesa de l'ajuntament no tenen telèfon, l'edifici no es troba en bones condicions, el pati no reuneix les condicions mínimes, etc. D'altra banda, més del 90% d'aquests centres no disposen de mestre d'educació especial. També considerem important remarcar el fet que una part considerable dels centres estudiants no tenen serveis paraescolars de primera necessitat: el 50% no té menjador, el 72,7% no té llar d'infants i el 76,2% no té transport escolar. Per acabar, només cal dir que si bé l'escola incompleta de les comarques gironines imparteix una educació de qualitat i renovadora, no totes les escoles exploten al màxim les potencialitats educatives i relacionals que els atribuïm en l'emmarcament teòric. Conseqüentment no totes apliquen una pedagogia invisible en el sentit Bemstenià del terme. Si bé el 75% dels centres utilitzen, de manera parcial, una modalitat de transmissió difusa perquè utilitzen una pedagogia activa, no podem oblidar que només una minoria -que no arriba al 3%- s'atreveix a prescindir -i només en determinades circumstàncies- dels llibres de text. Les relacions de poder, de jerarquia, i control només són difuses en unes poques escoles ja que l'elaboració de les normes i l'aplicació de les sancions corre a càrrec del mestre en el 75,7% i en el 58% dels centres respectivament. Les regles de seqüència són flexibles en el 68% dels centres perquè adapten el ritme d'aprenentatge a l'especificitat de cada alumne, però molt poques escoles, el 12,4%, són les que alteren amb certa assiduïtat l'ordre del currículum.

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Entre 1925 Y 1947, el sistema educativo ecuatoriano experimentó la influencia de la ""escuela nueva"", una tendencia pedagógica que surgió en Estados Unidos yen algunos países europeos a finales del siglo XIX. Este artículo analiza cómo los dispositivos pedagógicos desarrollados por esta tendencia, sirvieron para que se pusiera en marcha un proyecto político y social asociado al higienismo, la regeneración racial, la modernización y la homogeneización cultural. Con este propósito, se analizan dos textos producidos en esos años: la conferencia pronunciada por el pedagogo Leonidas García en el Congreso de Educación Primaria y Normal del Ecuador, realizado en mayo de 1930, y un ensayo de Vicente Andrade, de 1942, sobre la incorporación de la escuela rural a la cultura nacional. Ambos textos ilustran las perspectivas que se tenían sobre los problemas educativos del Ecuador.

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Neste trabalho é analisada a adequação entre o projeto de desenvolvimento sócio-econômico da Guiné~Bissau e seu projeto de educação. O país em estudo é urna ex-col~ nia portuguesa da África que após a independência optou pe la via "autônoma" de desenvolvimento, o que caracteriza a situação de "transformação social". Procura-se verificar se o atual sistema de ensino e os planos oficiais auxiliam a ruptura com a condição ánterior de dependência. O estudo se inicia por urna visão geral da África pré-colonial e da educação difusa que vigorava naquela épo ca. Em seguida, urna descrição da África colonizada por países europeus e as modalidades de educação implantadas pelos colonizadores. Examina-se após isso a África do período das lutas pela independência (década de 60) até os dias atuais, com as diversas opções sócio-econômicas, poli ticas e, particularmente, educacionais adotadas pelos países administrativamente libertos do domínio colonial. ~os demais capítulos analisa-se a Guiné-Bissauern cada período histórico, apresentando-se as ligações entre os interesses sócio-econômicos dominantes e as formas ofi ciais de educação dos africanos: no segundo capítulo, a Guiné pré-colonial, as várias etapas da colonização por tu guesa (a fase mercantilista, durante a monarquia liberal portuguesa, a primeira fase da república na metrópole, a ditadura salazarista anterior e posteriormente ao movimento guineense pela independência) e a luta contra os colonizadores até a libertação total do território (1974) • No terceiro capítulo, os dias Rtuais (fase de "reconstrução nacional") até 1979. são ressaltados diversos aspectos do ensino para comparação entre a fase colonial e o projeto do país inde-pendente: ligação com a atividade produtiva, com as tare·- fas sociais e vida comunitária; prioridades da escolariza ção; escola urbana e rural; gestão escolar; formação de professores; métodos pedagógicos, currículos e disciplinas. A abordagem metodológica e histórico-estrutural. Constata-se a existência de muitos obstáculos ma teriais para a realização do projeto autônomo guineense. Mas apesar das características coloniais persistentes, no ensino são experimentadas soluções criativas que favorecem a independência, baseadas nas prioridades de atendimento das necessidades da população, de gestão democrática das escolas, integração com o trabalho produtivo e "africaniza ção" das disciplinas. -

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This work aims at developing an evaluation of the implementation of the Program Escola Ativa as a public policy for rural schools with combined grade classrooms in Jardim do Seridó RN (1998 2009) focusing on the following dimensions: school s physical environment, training, follow up, and didactic usage of the methodology. In order to develop this research we refer to the literature that analyzes the cycle of policies (FREY, 2000). In this approach, evaluation represents an important step in the process of analyzing the implementation of public policies, as a way of measuring up their performance, as well as a guide for realignments and redefinitions (PRESSMAN; WILDAVSKY, 1998). In order to accomplish this function, the evaluator of policies must be acquainted with scientific concepts and methods that consist of describing, interpreting and analyzing the policies in the governmental sphere (MENY; THOENIG, 1992; LIMA JÚNIOR, 1978). In this perspective, we intend to investigate whether in its proposition of minimizing the blanks in the Brazilian educational system, the implementation of the Program would be contributing to the improvement of the political-pedagogical practices in the rural schools with combined grade classrooms in Jardim do Seridó RN. In order to do this research, we have developed a theoretical-methodological matrix made of analysis dimensions, variables, indicators and instruments, such as literary revision, documental analysis, semi-structured interviews with four teachers and three supervisors that work and/or have worked in Escola Ativa in that town in the period comprised among 1998 2009, besides notes taken from field observation and photographs from four rural schools with combined grade classrooms. With this research we have identified that the Program, at a national level, has gone through different phases in its implementation process, for the town was not ready to fully take the responsibilities of the autonomous expansion, in 2002. From that period on, the execution of Escola Ativa has suffered several discontinuities, such as the lack of professional training and supervising. It is also noted that the methodology contributes to the dynamization of the didactic-pedagogical activities and promotes the cooperation and autonomy of the students in the organization and the applicability of the components of the curriculum, especially of Governo Estudantil and Cantinhos de Aprendizagem. Although the directions of the Program (BRASIL, 2005) point out that Escola Ativa has among its principles social transformation, we identified that, isolated, the initiative is not capable of promoting the changes that the rural schools need, namely investments in the physical, material, pedagogical and technological infra-structure, besides the estimation and a career plan for the teachers. In a general draft of the results of this research, we realized that some aspects presented about the peculiarities of Escola Ativa in Jardim do Seridó as a governmental Program, reinforce the need for the public policies to be evaluated, in order to confront critic and operationally the planning with the practice, revising action, whenever necessary

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The socioeducational program of actions developed by Dom José de Medeiros Delgado, first Bishop of Diocese of Caicó city in Rio Grande do Norte, from 1941 to 1951, is analyzed by the present work in a historical perspective, based upon the school culture refecence.Through this reference point, the general and peculiar school culture proper of catholic schools founded by Dom Delgado was learned.The schools are: the Ginásio Diocesano Seridoense (1942), the Escola Doméstica Popular Darci Vargas (1943, the Prevocacional School of Caicó (1944) and the Santo Cura d ars Seminar (1946). The socioeducational actions of Dom Delgado Bishop affected seven other towns surrounding Caicó. Places where catholic schools were founded and named after Escola do Pobre . In fight for schools for all social segments of city and rural natures, Dom Delgado founded four rural schools in the surroundings of Serra Negra, São João do Sabugi, Jardim do Seridó e Lagoa Nova. It is also part of his beneficial work the creation of rural cooperatives for the parents of the students from such schools