The Romanian Orthodox Church

At first glance, the nationalist ideology of the French Revolution seems to have had little impact on the Orthodox Church in Romanian-speaking territories. Romanians were the predominant inhabitants of the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia and the neighboring territories of Transylvania (including Crişana, Maramureş and Banat), Bukovina, Bessarabia, and Dobrudja. The majority of ethnic Romanians belonged to the Orthodox faith while their communities were at the intersection of geopo liti cal interests of the Rus sian, Ottoman, and Habsburg empires. In 1859 the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (known as the Old Kingdom between 1866 and 1918) united into a single state under the rule of a local prince. The term "Romania" began to be used by the new state in its of cial documents in 1862. Two years later, the state supported the declaration of a Romanian autocephalous (in de pen dent) church that was recognized by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 1885. As an integrative part of the Orthodox commonwealth, the church was situated between the competing jurisdictions of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Rus sian Orthodox Church, while its declaration of autocephaly followed a pattern in the spread of national churches in Southeastern Europe. From the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainardji of 1774 to the beginning of the Greek War for In de pen dence in 1821, the Romanian principalities were under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, which had full control of their po liti cal and economic affairs. The sultan appointed princes, and the Porte determined their po liti cal and judicial status. The princes were drawn from the "Phanariots," and were directly appointed by the Porte from preponderantly Greek elite rather than the Romanian local elite, the boyars (boieri).1 In each principality, the church was headed by a metropolitan who was under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. That religion mattered to local population as a means of social cohesion was suggestively depicted by Anatole de Demidoff, an En glish traveler in the region in 1837. Arriving in Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia, he claimed that: I know of no city in Europe in which it is possible to find more agreeable society, or in which there is a better tone, united with the most charming gaiety⋯. Religion, which is here of the schismatic Greek creed, does not, properly speaking, hold any great empire over the minds of the Wallachian people, but they observe its outward forms, and particularly the austerities of fasting, with scrupulous exactitude. The people are seen to attend divine ser vice with every sign of respect, and the great number of churches existing in Wallachia, bear witness to the ardent zeal with which outward worship is honored.2 The Romanian Orthodox Church was a national institution, closely linked to social, economic, and po liti cal structures. In most cases, Orthodox hierarchs were appointed from the families of boyars, thus ensuring a close relationship with the state authorities and its policies. As one of the largest landowners in the principalities, the church had a prime role in administrating healthcare and education. Although the majority of the clergy was uneducated, it dispensed both ecclesiastical and civil justice and in many cases worked closely with boyars in local administration.3 The lower clergy not only contributed directly to the economy but also benefited from tax privileges. Some small villages had an unusually high proportion of clergy in comparison to the overall population. For example, in 1810, Stənisləveşti, a village in the south of Wallachia, was composed of eleven houses and had two priests, five deacons, and three cantors; similarly, the Frəsinet village of nineteen houses had two priests and five deacons.4 Although these cases were exceptional, they indicate both the economic value of being a member of the clergy and the wider canonical dimension of church jurisdiction. The special status of the clergy was reflected not only at lower but also at higher levels. Bishops and metropolitans engaged with state policy and in many cases opposition to the authorities led to the loss of a spiritual seat. The metropolitan of each principality worked with the prince and was president of the divan, the gathering of all boyars. He held the right to be the first person to comment on state policy and to make recommendations when the prince was absent. The metropolitan replaced the prince when the principality had no political ruler, such as in the cases of Metropolitan Veniamin Costachi of Moldavia in 1806 and Metropolitan Dositei Filitti of Wallachia, while the bishops of Buzəu and Argeş were members of the provisional government during the Rus sian occupation of the principalities in 1808. The higher clergy had both religious and political prerogatives in relation to foreign powers as evident in their heading of the boyars' delegation to peace negotiation between the Rus sian and Ottoman empires at Focşani in 1772 and addressing memoranda to the Austrian and Rus sian governments in 1802.5 The primary role of the church in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia was paralleled by the national mobilization of Orthodox communities in the neighboring territories that had Romanian inhabitants. Although throughout the region Orthodox communities were incorporated into church structures as part of the Habsburg, Austrian or Rus sian empires, the nineteenth century was characterized by the leadership's search for political autonomy and the building of a Romanian national identity. The Orthodox communities outside the Old Kingdom maintained relations with the faithful in principalities across the Carpathian Mountains and the Dniester River and sought support in their struggle for political and religious rights.

Stray dogs in Bucharest, and the political economy of Romanian socialism. From hunting the “enemies” of Stalinist economy, to poisoning urban parasites, and the rise of urban anarchy: 1950s-1990s.

My paper discusses three different ways in which stray dogs have been intertwined with ideologies of economic and urban development in Romania. I categorize results from archival and ethnographic research under three major time periods: early socialism, late socialism, and post-socialism. During early socialism stray dogs were seen to be damaging the soviet economy by killing species that humans could also hunt, like rabbits. During late socialism, stray dogs appeared as the enemies of the communist city, and the department of urban sanitation was given orders to poison dogs with strychnine. Finally, the increasing number of stray dogs in Bucharest after the collapse of communism was seen as a direct result of former communist demolitions, and was also taken as a sign of the collapsing state. Through such examples my paper discusses how the state and particular population groups have seen dogs as parts of an unwanted and dangerous nature, rather than a species that needs to be protected. I argue that distinctions of nature and culture have served discourses of civilization and the view of Bucharest as a model socialist, and then European city. Throughout my paper I juxtapose the treatment of stray dogs with other, more “valued” urban natures like the protection of parks, the wide-spread hobby of pigeon breeding during socialist years, the most recent debate on saving the rural area of Rosia Montana from non-environmentally friendly methods of gold extraction, and the current trend of healthy eating and living.

ROCADA: Romanian daily gridded climatic dataset (1961-2013) V1.0

Daily records of nine meteorological variables covering the interval 1961-2013 were used in order to create a state-of-the-art homogenized climatic dataset over Romania at a spatial resolution of 0.1°. All meteorological stations with full data records, as well as stations with up to 30 % missing data, were used for the following variables: air pressure (150 stations); minimum, maximum, and average air temperature (150 stations); soil temperature (127 stations); precipitation (188 stations); sunshine hours (135 stations); cloud cover (104 stations); relative humidity (150 stations). For each parameter, the data series were first homogenized with the software MASH (Multiple Analysis of Series for Homogenization); then, the data series were gridded by means of the software MISH (Meteorological Interpolation based on Surface Homogenized Data).

What Makes Your Writing Style Unique? Significant Differences Between Two Famous Romanian Orators

This paper introduces a novel, in-depth approach of analyzing the differences in writing style between two famous Romanian orators, based on automated textual complexity indices for Romanian language. The considered authors are: (a) Mihai Eminescu, Romania’s national poet and a remarkable journalist of his time, and (b) Ion C. Brătianu, one of the most important Romanian politicians from the middle of the 18th century. Both orators have a common journalistic interest consisting in their desire to spread the word about political issues in Romania via the printing press, the most important public voice at that time. In addition, both authors exhibit writing style particularities, and our aim is to explore these differences through our ReaderBench framework that computes a wide range of lexical and semantic textual complexity indices for Romanian and other languages. The used corpus contains two collections of speeches for each orator that cover the period 1857–1880. The results of this study highlight the lexical and cohesive textual complexity indices that reflect very well the differences in writing style, measures relying on Latent Semantic Analysis (LSA) and Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) semantic models.

Pyramus and Thisbe 4 You or a "Wondrous Strange" Tale of Contemporary Romanian Theatre

Like its title, Pyramus and Thisbe 4 You, Alexandru Dabija’s production at the Odeon Theatre, Bucharest, was a tongue-in-cheek invitation to the audience that at once aimed to tease past and recent Romanian endeavours and to tease out the stage potential a Shakespeare play holds today. My examination of the production re-constructs the local cultural contexts the production plays with and against, referring to the Romanian ways of making Shakespeare this production enters into dialogue with. Take 1, an all-female version casting the mature stars of the Odeon, I read against both Elizabethan all-male stage practice and Andrei Serban’s all-female Lear at the Bulandra (2008). Take 2, “an old device” (V.1.50): a teacher-student “devising” session at the Academy of Theatre and Cinema, I read against critics’ “more strange than true” (V.1.2) parlance on “theories of perception and reception” and against hi-tech Shakespeare dominating the Romanian stages in the first decade of the third millennium. Take 3, local political banter on ethnic discrimination, I read as “satire keen and critical” (V.1.54) on both communist censorship and the recent rise of nationalism in Romania. Take 4, a “cold” reading-cum-improvisation performed by the technical crew – this production’s mechanicals – I read as “palpable-gross play” (V.1.376) on both acting and spectating practices. What I argue in this article is that Dabija’s production goes beyond its local context and mores, and proposes a re-assessment of Shakespeare’s cultural currency in (European) Romania and Europe at large by exposing current tyrannies in Shakespeare studies: from translation and adaptation, through directing and acting, to viewing and reviewing.

Parallel ruptures: Jews of Bessarabia and Transnistria between Romanian nationalism and Soviet communism, 1918-1940

“Parallel Ruptures: Jews of Bessarabia and Transnistria between Romanian Nationalism and Soviet Communism, 1918-1940,” explores the political and social debates that took place in Jewish communities in Romanian-held Bessarabia and the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic during the interwar era. Both had been part of the Russian Pale of Settlement until its dissolution in 1917; they were then divided by the Romanian Army’s occupation of Bessarabia in 1918 with the establishment of a well-guarded border along the Dniester River between two newly-formed states, Greater Romania and the Soviet Union. At its core, the project focuses in comparative context on the traumatic and multi-faceted confrontation with these two modernizing states: exclusion, discrimination and growing violence in Bessarabia; destruction of religious tradition, agricultural resettlement, and socialist re-education and assimilation in Soviet Transnistria. It examines also the similarities in both states’ striving to create model subjects usable by the homeland, as well as commonalities within Jewish responses on both sides of the border. Contacts between Jews on either side of the border remained significant after 1918 despite the efforts of both states to curb them, thereby necessitating a transnational view in order to examine Jewish political and social life in borderland regions. The desire among Jewish secular leaders to mold their co-religionists into modern Jews reached across state borders and ideological divides and sought to manipulate respective governments to establish these goals, however unsuccessful in the final analysis. Finally, strained relations between Jews in peripheral borderlands with those at national/imperial cores, Moscow and Bucharest, sheds light on the complex circumstances surrounding the inclusion versus exclusion debates at the heart of all interwar European states and the complicated negotiations that took place within all minority communities that responded to state policies.

Romanian Knowledge and Attitudes regarding Dietary Fibers

Presently, the scientists recognize the health benefits of food fibers in the menu and also plant food sources are at high interest both for general population and food companies. The food companies are responsible for a clear nutrition labelling that will assist consumers to make informed and healthy choices and health providers has to inform the population about the benefits of fibers.The aim of our study was to evaluate the Romanian knowledge and attitudes regarding dietary fibers from food products. We made a qualitative survey based on a questionnaire applied in 2015, over a period of 6 months, over 670 Romanian consumers. It was focused on testing the attitudes and knowledge towards ingestion of foods rich in fibers. For all data analysis we used the software SPSS, from IBM Inc. Our results showed that the knowledge about dietary fibers and also the ingestion of food products rich in fibers were low, and most of the subjects didn’t have any interest to read the nutritional information from food labels. The female participants ate more whole grains and fruits than males and pay more attention to food labelling. Romanian people prefer to stay and eat home than at restaurants especially in rural areas, and the knowledge about fibers benefits was significantly related to education and urban location. We underline the needs for more efficient community interventions and proper information about the importance of dietary fibers for our health and also to improve and disseminate nutritional standards and diet recommendation among population.

Impacts and opportunities : resident's view on sustainable development of tourism in regional Queensland, Australia

Tourism development is a priority for rural and regional areas of Australia. The challenge is how to develop the tourism industry in a sustainable manner. As part of a larger project investigating community perceptions of opportunities, strategies and challenges in regional sustainable development, this article explores participant's views and opinions of tourism development. Through purposive sampling, 28 local community leaders and residents in the Darling Downs region in Queensland, Australia, participated in four semi-structured focus groups. This paper focuses on two of these focus groups, where tourism was a critical issue. Participants were generally positive about the tourism industry and its impacts on their community, although they expressed several triple bottom line concerns about economic, environmental and scoial issues. Four key themes emerged: appropriate land use management, limited resources and ageing/insufficient infrastructure, preservaation of community heritage and lifestyle, and regional conflict. Residents supported sustainable tourism development and wanted to be more actively involved in decision-making, demanding greater transparency - and true engagement - from local government.

Romanianunkarilaisuuden ja udmurttilaisuuden representaatio sanomalehtiteksteissä : Lähestymistapoja kielen ja identiteetin suhteen tarkasteluun sosiolingvististä taustaa vasten

Tutkielman tavoitteena on testata ja arvioida tekstianalyysin menetelmien toimivuutta vähemmistökielen puhujien identiteetin tutkimisessa sekä selvittää udmurttien ja Transilvanian unkarilaisten vähemmistöidentiteetin erikois-piirteitä. Työssäni tarkastelen etnonyymien magyar 'unkarilainen' ja udmurt 'udmurtti' esiintymistä lehtiteksteissä. Aineistoni koostuu Romanian unkarilaisvähemmistön sekä udmurttivähemmistön omakielisissä sanomalehdissä alkuvuodesta 2007 ilmestyneistä lehtiteksteistä. Unkarilaisesta Szabadság-lehdestä valitsin tarkasteluun 79 tekstiä, udmurtinkielisestä Udmurt duńńe -lehdestä 64. Tarkastelen etnonyymien magyar ja udmurt esiintymistiheyttä sekä sitä, millaisia pääsanoja ne määrittävät. Näiden tulosten avulla päättelen, kuinka keskeinen rooli näissä lehdissä on vähemmistön itseidentifioinnilla, ja pyrin selvittämään, esiintyykö lehdissä selviä vähemmistöidentiteetin rakennusstrategioita. Tilastollisen ja pääsana-analyysin täydennyksenä käytän kriittistä lähilukua: miten unkarilaiset ja udmurtit esitetään, millaisiksi heidät kuvataan ja miten esitetään heidän suhteensa valtaväestöön? Analyysi osoittaa, että Udmurt duńńe -lehdessä etnonyymi udmurt esiintyy 42 prosentissa teksteistä. Unkarilaisessa lehdessä sana magyar esiintyy vain 19 prosentissa teksteistä. Valtaosa udmurt-sanan esiintymistä on tapauksia, joissa se määrittää pääsanaa 'kieli'. Udmurtin kielen kehityksestä kirjoitetaan Udmurt duńńessa paljon ja uutisointi on sävyltään hyvin positiivista. Lehti antaa myönteisen mielikuvan udmurtin kielen nykytilasta ja tulevaisuudesta sekä eri kielten ja kansallisuuksien suhteista. Samanlaista ilmiötä ei ole havaittavissa Szabadságissa. Unkarin kieli mainitaan harvoin, ja näissä harvoissa tapauksissa aiheena ovat kieleen liittyvät ongelmat, esimerkiksi omakielisen opetuksen vaikeudet. Kansallisuuksien suhteita kuvataan enimmäkseen neutraalisti. Udmurt duńńesta puuttuu kielellisiä oikeuksia koskeva kritiikki lähes kokonaan. Eroja voidaan selittää sosiolingvistisen taustatiedon avulla. Asenteissa heijastuu vähemmistöjen erilainen historia. Udmurtin kieltä ei ole koskaan käytetty laaja-alaisesti modernissa yhteiskunnassa, kun taas unkarin kieli oli Transilvaniassa valtakieli aina ensimmäiseen maailmansotaan saakka. Unkarilaiset kokivat dramaattisen siirtymän vähemmistöasemaan, mutta oletettavasti muisto kielen vanhasta asemasta, tietoisuus sen täydestä käyttökelpoisuudesta yhteiskunnassa saa nykyisen vähemmistön edustajat valvomaan oikeuksiaan. Asiaan vaikuttanee myös Unkarin valtion läheisyys. Rajan takana on malli siitä, kuinka unkarin kieltä voidaan käyttää kaikilla elämänalueilla. Udmurteilla ei vastaavaa mallia ole, ja udmurtin kieli on jäänyt kotikielen asemaan. Oletettavasti Udmurt duńńen asennekampanja pyrkii nostamaan udmurtin kielen hupenevaa arvostusta. Romanian unkarilaisten keskuudessa unkarin kielen arvostus on ollut vankkaa, minkä vuoksi kieltä ei ole tarpeen pitää jatkuvasti esillä. Itsenäinen emämaa ja yli kymmenmiljoonainen puhujamäärä vakuuttavat osaltaan unkarin puhujat kielensä elinkelpoisuudesta. Voidaan todeta, että tekstien perusteella udmurttius usein pelkistyy udmurtin kielen taitoon ja käyttöön, kun taas unkarilaisuus ilmenee useilla eri elämänalueilla. Käyttämäni tilastollinen analyysi antaa karkean kuvan aiheen keskeisyydestä teksteissä, mutta todella luotettavan ja yleistettävän tiedon hankkimiseksi olisi käytettävä laajempaa korpusta. Myös useiden eri lehtien vertailu olisi hedelmällistä. Tarkimpia tuloksia antaa lähiluenta. Sen ongelmana on analysoitavan aineiston rajallisuus. Eräs ratkaisu ongelmaan on valitsemani pääsana-analyysi, mutta on huomattava, että myös sen tuloksien tulkitsemisessa lähiluenta on useimmiten tarpeen. Sosiolingvistinen taustatieto on välttämätöntä, jotta analyysin tuloksen saadaan sijoitettua oikeaan kontekstiin ja selitettyä.

Ernest W. Michel Papers, 1698, 1938-1996 (bulk 1946-1987)

This collection contains the papers of Ernest W. Michel, Holocaust Survivor Journalist and public speaker,including clippings of newspaper articles written by and about Michel, correspondence between Michel and many important Jewish and political figures and autograph files, which Michel collected. Many of these files concern Michel’s Holocaust experiences, speaking engagements, the World Gathering of Jewish Holocaust Survivors, and Michel’s work with the United Jewish Appeal.

Mediaş Jewish Community Photograph Collection 1900-1930s bulk: undated

The collection contains more than 60 black and white photographs from the first decades of the 20th century found in the synagogue of Mediaş (Mediasch, Medgyes), Romania. The photographs were found in the process of an on-going clean-up and restoration project and for the most part are unidentified. The photographs are of community members and their relatives and friends; they consist of group family portraits, individual portraits, babies, and children. Some of the photographs originate from Mediaş and other nearby Transylvanian towns, while others were printed by foreign printing shops and were presumably sent to relatives living in Mediaş.

Las relaciones entre texto y música en la producción del rey Don Denis de Portugal

Integran este número de la revista ponencias presentadas en Studia Hispanica Medievalia VIII: Actas de las IX Jornadas Internacionales de Literatura Española Medieval, 2008, y de Homenaje al Quinto Centenario de Amadis de Gaula.