Formless as Water, Flaming as a Fire-Some observations on the Theory and Practice of Self-Determination

The concept of national self-determination is a highly contested concept from very outset. It is partly due to its dual parentage, namely nationalism and liberalism. Prior to 1945 it was only a political concept without legal binding. With the incorporation of the principle in the UN Charter it was universalized and legalized. However, there were two competing interpretations at the UN based on de-colonization and representative government. How to define self and what really determined remain highly controversial. How to reconcile the international norm of sovereignty of state and self determination of people became more complex problem with the tide of secessionist movements based on ethno-nationalism. The concept of internal self-determination came as a compromise; but it is also very vague and harbors a wide range of interpretations.

Partition, independence, and population geography in Bengal

This study quantitatively explores the changing population geography in Bengal, with a particular focus on Partition in India in 1947 and Independence of Bangladesh in 1971. Based on decadal census data from 1901 to 2001 at the district level, this paper explores how trends in regional population growth evolved with such historical events. Following Redding and Sturm (2008), Differences-in-Differences estimation is also employed. Estimation results show that there were different shocks on both sides and from both events. In West Bengal, the change in the regional population trends occurred in 1947 and remained similar thereafter. On the other hand, in East Bengal, the population growth became statistically significant after 1971. Further robustness checks show that the impacts were not uniform with respect to the distance from the border. Overall analyses show that the emergence of the international border in Bengal had asymmetric impacts on both sides.

Unity stronger than divisions. Ukraine's internal diversity. OSW Point of View Number 40, March 2014

Ukraine is deeply divided internally, although as a result of the changes that have taken place since its independence, the country’s internal divisions now have less and less to do with territorial divides, and the split into historical ‘sub-Ukraines’ has become less pronounced, especially for the younger generation. Ukraine is not a country of two competing regional identities, one in the west, the other in the east. The western identity, in which the unity of Ukraine is a key value, coexists with the multiple and diverse local patriotisms of the different regions in the east and the south of the country. The present protest movement has consolidated the country’s sense of unity. Its opponents have also been championing the indivisibility of Ukraine, even while they demanded a thorough decentralisation of the country, which was often mistaken for separatism. Russia has been stirring up separatist tendencies in Ukraine, but with little success. Crimea is an exception here, because in most respects it has remained unaffected by the dynamics of the social processes transforming mainland Ukraine – separatist tendencies are indeed deeply rooted in the peninsula.

European Corporate Governance Reform and the German Party Paradox. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 03.1, 2003

This paper addresses the current discussion on links between party politics and production regimes. Why do German Social Democrats opt for more corporate governance liberalization than the CDU although, in terms of the distributional outcomes of such reforms, one would expect the situation to be reversed? I divide my analysis into three stages. First, I use the European Parliament’s crucial vote on the European takeover directive in July 2001 as a test case to show that the left-right dimension does indeed matter in corporate governance reform, beside cross-class and cross-party nation-based interests. In a second step, by analyzing the party positions in the main German corporate governance reforms in the 1990s, I show that the SPD and the CDU behave “paradoxically” in the sense that the SPD favored more corporate governance liberalization than the CDU, which protected the institutions of “Rhenish,” “organized” capitalism. This constellation occurred in the discussions on company disclosure, management accountability, the power of banks, network dissolution, and takeover regulation. Third, I offer two explanations for this paradoxical party behavior. The first explanation concerns the historical conversion of ideas. I show that trade unions and Social Democrats favored a high degree of capital organization in the Weimar Republic, but this ideological position was driven in new directions at two watersheds: one in the late 1940s, the other in the late 1950s. My second explanation lies in the importance of conflicts over managerial control, in which both employees and minority shareholders oppose managers, and in which increased shareholder power strengthens the position of works councils.

The War republics in the Donbas one year after the outbreak of the conflict. OSW Commentary Number 174, 17 June 2015

More than one year since the first pro-Russian moves in the Donbas, separatists have taken control of parts of the Donbas and Luhansk oblasts but are still unable to form truly functioning administrative structures. The exercise of power by the central administration of the so-called ‘Donetsk People’s Republic’ (DPR) and ‘Luhansk People’s Republic’ (LPR) is restricted to resolving problems as they arise, while administration proper is the prerogative of the local authorities reporting to them which had been performing this function before the conflict broke out. The way the situation is developing and the fact that access to information is restricted make it difficult to determine the structure of the separatist government in more detail, precisely how it is organised, and what the internal hierarchy is like. The overriding goal of the governments of the DPR and the LPR is to maintain and develop their military potential. In effect, the lives of the so-called republics are subordinate to military goals. The Donbas separatism is a conglomerate of different groups of interests, with Russia at the fulcrum. Its representatives set the main tactical and strategic goals and thus have a decisive influence on the development of the situation in the region. Individual separatist groupings come into conflict, and some oligarchs linked to the former Party of Regions circles have also been making attempts to maintain their influence. The struggle between individual groups of interest is intensifying as the situation on the war front becomes calmer. Since the situation has temporarily stabilised after the seizure of Debaltseve, the central governments of the DPR and the LPR have made attempts to expand their influence, combating armed criminals who are outside their control and that of Russia. The civilian population is taking the brunt of the devastation caused by the war and the increasing militarisation of the region. Despite the fact that the intensity of the fighting on the war front is falling, worsening humanitarian problems are causing refugees to continue their flight from the territories controlled by the separatists. 2 million people have fled the conflict zone since the beginning of the war: 1.3 million of them have found shelter in other regions of Ukraine, and more than 700,000 have left for Russia. The region has also sustained great economic losses – most mines have been either destroyed or closed, many industrial plants have restricted or completely discontinued their production, and many firms have been taken over by force. In effect, the region has seen an economic downturn.

(Table A1) Calcium carbonate content of boreholes Kirchrode I and II

The technical details of drilling and coring at the Kirchrode I and II sites are presented. At these sites, a sequence of claystones and marlstones from an Albian shelf basin was recovered. Constraints on the ages of the sediments in the two boreholes are provided by the occurrence of the inoceramid bivalve Actinoceramus sulcatus, the first appearance of which is used to define the Middle/Upper Albian boundary and by observed facies changes that can be correlated to the established lithostratigraphy. The cores from the two boreholes provide a rather complete, 285-m-long sequence of the Upper Albian, with a 155.5-m-long overlap. Analysis of the tectonic structures showed considerable shortening in the Middle and Lower Albian part of the sequence due to normal faulting. Of the Upper Albian, only the lowermost part is affected by faults. The increase in sedimentation rates of terrigenous detritus and of marine biogenic carbonate, which occurs in the basal part of the C. auritus Subzone, is interpreted to reflect a regional change to a more humid climate and regional tectonic movements (uplift of the Rhenish Bohemian massif, subsidence of the Lower Saxony basin intensified locally by halokinetic movements). The further increase in marine productivity in the latest Albian may be related to upwelling of more nutrient-rich deep water along submarine relief in this shelf sea. Identification of Milankovitch cyclicity documented by the fluctuating CaCO3 contents of the sediments is used (i) to constrain the minimum time represented by the Upper Albian deposits, and (ii) to determine the duration of the sea level cycles (Cycle V: >=1.6 Ma, Cycle VI: >=2 Ma), and (iii) to establish the duration of the Late Albian ammonite subzones (e.g. Callihoplites auritus Subzone: 2.1 Ma). Average sedimentation rates determined from the identified 100-ka eccentricity cycles show a stepwise increase in sedimentation rates from 1-2 cm/1000 a in the Lower Albian dark claystones to 7-13 cm/1000 a in the late Late Albian. In addition to the general deepening trend through the Late Albian, two, nearly completely documented 3rd-order sea-level cycles in the Upper Albian of Kirchrode I were recognised, plus another one, cut short by faulting, at the base of the Upper Albian (documented in Kirchrode II). These global sea-level cycles were identified on the basis (a) of the sequence of the abundance maxima of selected benthos and plankton groups, (b) of trends in the fluctuations of the CaCO3 content, and (c) of the abundance of glauconite. The transgression periods in this Upper Albian deep shelf-basin are characterised by intensified circulation. This intensified circulation is found to have affected first the surface-near waters, resulting e.g. in an increase in the abundance of immigrant plankton and nekton species from the Tethys. At a later stage the deep water was affected, supporting then an increased population of suspension-feeding benthos, and causing condensation and erosion in the sediment at the sea floor.

Aboriginal self-determination in Australia - The effects of minority-majority frames and target universalism on majority collective guilt and compensation attitudes

In the context of Aboriginal-Anglo Australian relations, we tested the effect of framing (multiculturalism versus separatism) and majority group members' social values (universalism) on the persuasiveness of Aboriginal group rhetoric, majority collective guilt, attitudes toward compensation, and reparations for Aboriginals. As predicted, Anglo Australians who are low on universalism report more collective guilt when presented with a multiculturalist than a separatist Aboriginal frame, whereas those high on universalism report high levels of guilt independent of frame. The same pattern was predicted and found for the persuasiveness of the rhetoric and attitudes toward compensation. Our data suggest that (a) for individuals low in universalism, framing produces attitudes consonant with compensation because it produces collective guilt and (b) the reason that universalists are more in favor of compensation and reparation is because of high collective guilt. We discuss the strategic use of language to create power through the manipulation of collective guilt in political contexts.

Pastores Novos em Igreja Antiga Uma análise do fenômeno de transformação da relação entre paradigmas e arquétipos pastorais batistas dos pioneiros a atual liderança na perspectiva da Práxis Social e Religiosa

Esta é uma pesquisa que tem por objetivo identificar e analisar dentro do universo dos batistas brasileiros - grupo religioso estabelecido no Brasil há mais de cento e quarenta anos a relação entre os paradigmas e os arquétipos que nortearam a ação dos pastores enquanto sujeitos e principais fomentadores da práxis pastoral dessa igreja que, dentro do protestantismo de missão, continua apresentando crescimento no cenário religioso desde sua implantação em terra brasilis . Estabelecer a trajetória histórica deste grupo, identificando os seus primórdios em meio ao Separatismo inglês do século XVII a igreja antiga - e os paradigmas que abraçaram e que os acompanharam desde então como um núcleo duro em termos de crença e práxis, aspectos que também podem ser identificados na igreja batista brasileira e nos os arquétipos desenvolvidos de pastor batista brasileiro. Identificar e analisar, a partir da perspectiva do pastor, quais foram seus pressupostos teóricos e práticos, ou seja, sua Teologia Prática e sua Teologia Pastoral através de um resgate histórico de sua práxis, dividida em três períodos históricos de cinquenta anos, identificados em gerações de pastores, através de uma pesquisa bibliográfica em textos de missionários, pastores e teólogos norte-americanos - os pioneiros - e pastores e teólogos brasileiros, batistas ou não, que de seu lugar hermenêutico e de alguma forma trataram do ministério pastoral batista, desde os seus primórdios até a contemporaneidade, e pudessem fornecer informações que permitissem tipificar o pastor batista brasileiro que, portanto, esteja acima do seu contexto histórico. Observar na contemporaneidade se estes paradigmas e arquétipos são mantidos, reafirmados, transformados e ou ressignificados na práxis dos pastores e suas igrejas o pastor novo. Também observar, a partir da opção definida, quais são os impactos possíveis sobre sua ação na contemporaneidade. Através desta pesquisa, identificar a existência de transformação da relação entre paradigmas e arquétipos e se essa transformação se manifesta como revoluções ou disrupturas

Sherman Alexie’s "The Toughest Indian in the World": Amalgamating the Oral and the Written Traditions

This article argues that The Toughest Indian in the World (2000) by Native-American author Sherman Alexie combines elements of his tribal (oral) tradition with others coming from the Western (literary) short-story form. Like other Native writers — such as Momaday, Silko or Vizenor — , Alexie is seen to bring into his short fiction characteristics of his people’s oral storytelling that make it much more dialogical and participatory. Among the author’s narrative techniques reminiscent of the oral tradition, aggregative repetitions of patterned thoughts and strategically-placed indeterminacies play a major role in encouraging his readers to engage in intellectual and emotional exchanges with the stories. Assisted by the ideas of theorists such as Ong (1988), Evers and Toelken (2001), and Teuton (2008), this article shows how Alexie’s short fiction is enriched and revitalized by the incorporation of oral elements. The essay also claims that new methods of analysis and assessment may be needed for this type of bicultural artistic forms. Despite the differences between the two modes of communication, Alexie succeeds in blending features and techniques from both traditions, thus creating a new hybrid short-story form that suitably conveys the trying experiences faced by his characters.

The leaderless resistance: George Lincoln Rockwell and the White Separatist Movement

The scope of the thesis encapsulates the wider post-war White Separatist Movement from the origins of American Nazism under George Lincoln Rockwell to the later developments of leaderless resistance and the political and cultural changes to the movement. The specific focus will be upon the relationship between George Lincoln Rockwell and the leaderless resistance concepts, in particular through its development and utilisation. Due to the complexity of the issues and the variety of influencing factors it is necessary in the first instance to assess it in terms of a historiography to allow themes to develop. As a result of this historical analysis themes have become evident to allow a conceptual analysis. In particular the thesis will utilise the following thematic contexts for assessing the various developments within White Separatism: including, state building; political marketing; the role of the media; and the propensity for terror and hate activities. In assessing the basis upon which the conceptual analysis is developed the research has utilised extensive use of texts, radio broadcasts, and pamphlets from the movement. The study has also been able to consider, government reports, law enforcement updates and communications from Civil Rights groups and other agencies. In the conceptual analysis of this information and themes, the thesis utilises new concepts as a means of creating an understanding of a rapidly changing area of politics; including ‘organic politic’ and ‘political firms’, when assessing political marketing trends; and assessing terrorist motivation.

Philosophy’s shame: reflections on an ambivalent/ambiviolent relationship with science

In this paper, I take inspiration from some themes in Ann Murphy’s recent book, Violence and the Philosophical Imaginary, especially her argument that philosophy’s identity and relation to itself depends on an intimate relationship with that which is designated as not itself (e.g. other academic disciplines and non-philosophy in general), the latter of which is a potential source of shame that calls for some form of response. I argue that this shame is particularly acute in regard to the natural sciences, which have gone on in various ways to distance themselves from their progenitor discipline and to achieve both agreement and technical progress in a way that could never be said of philosophy. I trace out some of the reactions to this shame that have dominated in the twentieth century and been a factor in the so-called analytic-continental ‘divide’. The options here are many and varied, but they range from cannibalism (philosophy as queen of the sciences, thus conferring some of the prestige of science upon the philosophy, which alone can unite or ground the various ontic sciences), scientific naturalism (the philosopher defers to the sciences, and most forms of meta-philosophy are rejected as an outmoded remnant of first philosophy), or some kind of irenic separatism about methods or domains such that science and philosophy do not encroach upon the territory of each other. My aims here are mainly diagnostic, but I will indicate where I think that certain responses to this shame are unproductive and unhelpful, with divergent weaknesses associated with the traditions that have come to be labelled ‘analytic’ and ‘continental’ respectively. My tacit suggestion, then, is that philosophy needs to become post-analytic and meta-continental, but I will also briefly criticize some recent efforts to do precisely this in what is sometimes called the ‘scientific turn’ in contemporary continental (or post-continental) philosophy.