860 resultados para Radio in politics
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física
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This article aims to discuss the role humour plays in politics, particularly in a media environment overflowing with user-generated video. We start with a genealogy of political satire, from classical to Internet times, followed by a general description of “the Downfall meme,” a series of videos on YouTube featuring footage from the film Der Untergang and nonsensical subtitles. Amid video-games, celebrities, and the Internet itself, politicians and politics are the target of such twenty-first century caricatures. By analysing these videos we hope to elucidate how the manipulation of images is embedded in everyday practices and may be of political consequence, namely by deflating politicians' constructed media image. The realm of image, at the centre of the Internet's technological culture, is connected with decisive aspects of today's social structure of knowledge and play. It is timely to understand which part of “playing” is in fact an expressive practice with political significance.
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Propaganda represented the sacrifice of soldiers in war and praised the power of the country. It has been around these images that all over the world entire populations were mobilized on the expectation of victory. Through the static image of printed posters or the newspaper news projected in cinemas all over the globe, governments sought to promote a patriotic spirit, encouraging the effort of individual sacrifice by sending a clear set of messages that directly appealed to the voluntary enlistment in the armies, messages that explained the important of rationing essential goods, of the intensification of food production or the purchase of war bonds, exacerbating feelings, arousing emotions and projecting an image divided between the notion of superiority and the idea of fear of the opponent. From press, in the First World War, to radio in World War II, to television and cinema from the 1950s onwards, propaganda proved to be a weapon as deadly as those managed by soldiers in the battlefield. That’s why it is essential to analyse and discuss the topic of War and Propaganda in the Twentieth Century. This conference is organized by the IHC and the CEIS20 and is part of the Centennial Program of the Great War, organized by the IHC, and the International Centennial Program coordinated by the Imperial War Museum in London.
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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics
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PhD thesis in Educational Sciences (specialization in Politics of Education).
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[Extrat] The advent of thc internet raised questions about the role of radio in a fast-changing media environment. Many voices forecast its end but in the summer of 2008 the Swedish Radio and TV Authority published a study named 'The Future of Radio', which clearly opposed the pessimism of recent analysis. While the study anticipates the exhaustion of the FM model, it clearly broadens perspectives for DAB and internet radio, highlighting digitalization as the key element for the future relevance of radio. The Portuguese researcher and radio professional João Paulo Meneses states that 'the future of radio relies upon the internet', calling the broad service offerings of the net the pathway for the survival of radio from the threats to its two essential aspects: rnobility and accumulation (Meneses 2008). Accumulation is radio's capability to be used in a nonexclusive manner, which means that a listener can use the radio while performing other activities, like cooking, sewing, reading, writing or jogging.
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Selection III mice have particular immunological characteristics: they are high (H III) or low (L III) antibody producer animals, yet both lines display similar T cell responses and macrophage activities. We submittedthese mice to infection with Schistosoma mansoni to assess in vivo parasite and egg burden, hepatic collagen and cellular composition of granulomas in both lines. Titration of anti-Schistosoma IgG by ELISA showed remarkably higher values inH III line, at both studied periods (8th and 12th weeks post-infection). Nevertheless, the number of adult worms recovered from the portal system was similar inboth lines, being not associated with anti-Schistosoma antibody levels. There isan increase in hepatic collagen from the 8th to the 12th weeks post-infection, which is paralleled by an increase in the number of eggs in the liver. This association apparently occurs at the same radio in H III and L III animals. The most important difference found between the two lines was the outstanding contrast interms of volume and eosinophil counts in the granulomas, with lesions from H IIImice clearly being larger and containing more of these cells than LIII lesions.
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Every year, the World Economic Forum publishes the World Gender Gap Report mainly based on the results of the Global Gender Gap Index (GGGI) computed by country. This index is made out of four subindexes to capture the magnitude of the gender gap in 4 areas: educational attainment, economic participation and opportunity, political empowerment, and health and survival; its methodology was reformed in 2006. In this paper we adapt the GGGI to construct a Regional Gender Gap Index (RGGI) and we compute it by regions (Comunidades Autónomas) in Spain with 2006 data. The RGGI could be applied to other regions. Results of the RGGI show that not only are there gender gap differences between Spanish regions in Spain, but that there are at the political empowerment and economic participation and opportunity categories that those differences are strongest. Geographic distribution of the gender gap shows that the deepest gaps are, in general, located in the northern regions (Euskadi, with a high score, and Murcia and Extremadura, with low scores, being exceptions); this is mainly due to the poor participation in politics of women in those regions.
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What explains the higher electoral turnout in some of the Swiss municipalities? Since there are important differences as far as size, socio-economic structure, importance, political systems and the prevailing political culture are concerned, the Swiss municipalities offer a laboratory-like field of research. Using aggregate level data from our own surveys and from official sources covering the whole country this paper investigates the determinants of voting turnout at the local level. It comes to the following conclusion: The level of electoral turnout in Swiss municipalities depends to an important extent on institutional variables. If the executive is elected in a citizens' assembly there are considerably fewer people participating than in elections at the polls. PR also has a positive effect on turnout, whereas it cannot be shown that having a local parliament leads to higher turnout (and thus to increased interest in politics). Another important variable is the size of a municipality. In smaller municipalities turnout is consistently higher than in bigger ones. As for the importance of Catholicism for turnout, our study confirms the findings of Freitag (2005) at the cantonal level. The Catholic milieu has a positive impact on participation
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In spite of increasing representation of women in politics, little is known about their impact onpolicies. Comparing outcomes of parliaments with different shares of female members does not identifytheir causal impact because of possible differences in the underlying electorate. This paper usesa unique data set on voting decisions to sheds new light on gender gaps in policy making. Ouranalysis focuses on Switzerland, where all citizens can directly decide on a broad range of policiesin referendums and initiatives. We show that there are large gender gaps in the areas of health,environmental protection, defense spending and welfare policy which typically persist even conditionalon socio-economic characteristics. We also find that female policy makers have a substantial effect onthe composition of public spending, but a small effect on the overall size of government.
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Bijagos Archipelago in Guinea-Bissau is at present subject to numerous external impacts that affect its centuries old balance. Since 1975 Guinean society has been using its natural resources in an uncontrolled way over the territory and especially in the coastal area. The archipelago has been increasingly raising interest, most of which is incompatible with the guarantee for a long-term sustainable development. It has also displayed a general impoverishment as far as resource preservation is concerned, due to internal demographic pressure of a population that has doubled since 1981 and to external pressure related to neighboring migrations and consequent depletion of non-renewable resources. This article aims to analyze the actions of local and international NGOs in the preservation and sustainability of the Bijagos Archipelago. We seek through an interdisciplinary approach to analyze the phenomena that are configured within the strategies of NGOs, on the assumption that these issues are articulated in the field of geography and sociology, as well as in politics and international cooperation. It is proposed new challenges to environmental issues, especially in a current situation shaken by constant instability internal and external policies.
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Once a country allergic to any type of preferential treatment or quota measure for women, France has become a country that applies gender quotas to regulate women's presence and representation in politics, the business sector, public bodies, public administration, and even some civil society organizations. While research has concentrated on the adoption of electoral gender quotas in many countries and their international diffusion, few studies focus on explaining the successful diffusion of gender quotas from politics to other domains in the same country. This paper proposes to fill this gap by studying the particularly puzzling case of a country that at one point strongly opposed the adoption of gender quotas in politics, but, in less than a decade, transformed into one of the few countries applying gender quotas across several policy domains. This paper argues that the legal entrenchment of the parity principle, the institutionalization of parity in several successive women's policy agencies, and key players in these newly created agencies are mainly responsible for this unexpected development. The diffusion of gender quotas in France thus offers an illuminating example of under which conditions women's policy agencies can act autonomously to diffuse and impose a new tool for gender equality
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The European Union has gone through significant changes in the past 20 years. The importance of public opinion in politics has increased and the new technologies are empowering the wider public to express its opinions. The purpose of this study is to explore how corporations use the tactic of grassroots lobbying in the European Union environment. The research objectives were addressed through qualitative research methods. Six expert interviews were conducted to find new perspectives and to deepen the understanding of the research objectives. Following the data collection, the research material was transcribed and analysed. In the analysis, the data was organized based on concepts and themes found from the literature review. The empirical findings on grassroots lobbying in the EU were presented. It was found that when a company is selecting grassroots lobbying tactic, the familiarity of the tactic, organizational culture, financial resources and amount of stakeholders seem to have an impact to the selection. The issues that are successfully lobbied through the grassroots-lobbying tactic were seen to be those, which have high and direct impact on lives of people, arouse strong feelings and are not very complex. Furthermore, when deciding on the timing of a campaign, in the EU it was found that a company should take into account the long policy process and limited capabilities to mobilise people. Targeting the object of the campaign and selecting the channels used in a grassroots- lobbying campaign were seen to be in function of identifying the key decision-makers on the issue. The decisions of who to mobilise and the mobilisation channels were considered to be dependant on who the campaign is trying to influence. Also, it was found that when the implementing a grassroots lobbying campaign in the EU environment, the special features such as multiple cultures and languages should be taken into account. This study has provided novel practical insights for corporate grassroots lobbying in the EU environment and furthermore successfully contributed to the academic research in the field.
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The European Union has gone through significant changes in the past 20 years. The importance of public opinion in politics has increased and the new technologies are empowering the wider public to express its opinions. The purpose of this study is to explore how corporations use the tactic of grassroots lobbying in the European Union environment. The research objectives were addressed through qualitative research methods. Six expert interviews were conducted to find new perspectives and to deepen the understanding of the research objectives. Following the data collection, the research material was transcribed and analysed. In the analysis, the data was organized based on concepts and themes found from the literature review. The empirical findings on grassroots lobbying in the EU were presented. It was found that when a company is selecting grassroots lobbying tactic, the familiarity of the tactic, organizational culture, financial resources and amount of stakeholders seem to have an impact to the selection. The issues that are successfully lobbied through the grassroots-lobbying tactic were seen to be those, which have high and direct impact on lives of people, arouse strong feelings and are not very complex. Furthermore, when deciding on the timing of a campaign, in the EU it was found that a company should take into account the long policy process and limited capabilities to mobilise people. Targeting the object of the campaign and selecting the channels used in a grassrootslobbying campaign were seen to be in function of identifying the key decision-makers on the issue. The decisions of who to mobilise and the mobilisation channels were considered to be dependant on who the campaign is trying to influence. Also, it was found that when the implementing a grassroots lobbying campaign in the EU environment, the special features such as multiple cultures and languages should be taken into account. This study has provided novel practical insights for corporate grassroots lobbying in the EU environment and furthermore successfully contributed to the academic research in the field.
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Cette thèse porte sur les représentations sociales. Fruit d’un bricolage conceptuel, ces représentations s’inspirent en partie des travaux de Serge Moscovici et de certains auteurs plus contemporains qui s’inscrivent dans son prolongement, dits de l’école française des représentations sociales, ainsi que d’auteurs anglo-saxons qui travaillent à partir de ce concept. Les écrits d’autres chercheurs, dont Stuart Hall, Richard Dyer et Jean-Michel Berthelot, qui adoptent dans des perspectives plus particulièrement liées aux Cultural Studies et à la sociologie ont également aidé à préciser notre façon d’envisager les représentations sociales et d’appréhender leur fonctionnement. Plus précisément, à la suite de Jodelet (1989), nous envisageons les représentations comme des « formes de connaissances socialement élaborées et partagées, ayant une visée pratique et concourant à la construction d’une réalité commune à un ensemble social » (p. 36). Ces représentations possèdent également d’autres particularités. Elles sont, d’après nous, constitutives ainsi que formées par des procédés langagiers qui rendent possibles des opérations. Ce concept nous permet d’étudier les représentations du point de vue de leur effectivité, soit de leur capacité à influencer les significations, à apporter un changement dans la manière d’interpréter une situation et, ce faisant, d’affecter les pratiques et d’induire une différence dans le monde. Ce questionnement au sujet des représentations se déploie sur un terrain qui nous semblait particulièrement riche pour en étudier le fonctionnement, soit celui de la politique qui, par ailleurs, se déroule actuellement dans un contexte de spectacularisation. Présenté comme un brouillage des genres entre divertissement et politique, ce phénomène est également lié à l’avènement de la celebrity politics, à la personnalisation et à l’évaluation, à l’importance prise par le style en politique ainsi qu’à la dramatisation, la fragmentation et la normalisation. Plus précisément, nous étudions les représentations dans un contexte de spectacularisation à partir de trois corpus documentant des événements aussi distincts que les fusions municipales en 2001, la montée en popularité de Mario Dumont et de l’ADQ en 2002 et 2003 ainsi que la série Bunker, le cirque, diffusée à la télévision de Radio-Canada à l’automne 2002. Ces corpus regroupent des textes de sources et de format variés, des textes de loi aux éditoriaux en passant par des dramatiques télévisuelles et des forums électroniques. Nous y avons effectué une analyse itérative et transversale des discours afin de mieux comprendre le fonctionnement des représentations dans un contexte de spectacularisation. Nos analyses ont démontré la variété des procédés et des opérations, telles que l’incontestabilisation, la projection, la localisation, l’amplification, la réduction et l’évaluation, qui permettent de modifier le sens et les enjeux des événements discutés. Les analyses ont également permis d’illustrer que les procédés et les opérations qu’ils rendent possibles balisent les frontières de l’objet et offrent un système classificateur.