294 resultados para Protests


Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Esta é uma tese sobre cartazes, faixas, memes, cartilhas, palanques, microfones, panfletos, pessoas na rua, megafones, performances, vídeos, biografias, blogs, tweets e postagens no Facebook. Esta é uma tese sobre as interações sociais envolvidas na luta por reconhecimento empreendida por ativistas trans numa multiplicidade de palcos que vem sendo disponibilizados e construídos na arena política. Na última década, essa luta foi construída através da reivindicação por visibilidade. Assim, o dia específico de celebração ou de protesto de pessoas trans no Brasil, o dia 29 de janeiro, é chamado de Dia da Visibilidade Trans. A categoria visibilidade, cuja construção histórica pode ser percebida por diferentes meios, é polissêmica e contextual. É, portanto, o objetivo inicial desta tese explorar os diferentes sentidos atribuídos à visibilidade enquanto categoria chave da luta política no ativismo de pessoas trans no Brasil. Para tanto, foram realizadas observações etnográficas em diversos encontros de ativistas, tanto exclusivamente trans como LGBT em geral; em manifestações de rua; em seminários realizados em parcerias com órgãos governamentais; em uma campanha eleitoral e em espaços de sociabilidade e de ativismo online; além da análise de diversos materiais (cartazes, panfletos, memes, cartilhas, faixas, etc.) produzidos por ativistas; e duas entrevistas complementares ao trabalho etnográfico. A partir desse material de campo, busco tecer relações entre produções de regimes alternativos de visibilidade de pessoas trans e sua luta por reconhecimento, tendo como foco as interações sociais (online e offline), nas quais se fazem presentes processos comunicativos e negociações do estigma.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

A presente dissertação tem como objetivo observar as representações construídas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo sobre o conjunto de protestos de rua, ocorrido nos meses de agosto e setembro de 1992, que influenciou o processo de impeachment do presidente Collor. A pesquisa também questionou o interesse e atuação do jornal em relação a Collor desde as eleições de 1989 até o impeachment. Para responder a tais problemas, o trabalho mobilizou os conceitos de hegemonia e imprensa como partido político, propostos por Gramsci, o conceito de campo jornalístico, de Bourdieu, e o de agenda-setting, delineado por McCombs e Shaw. A historiografia consultada abordou o contexto histórico anterior ao governo Collor, as relações entre o presidente e os grandes veículos de imprensa do país, a história do periódico e o papel dos movimentos sociais no processo de impeachment. A revisão bibliográfica, apoiada pela leitura de editoriais do jornal, constatou que ele apoiava medidas neoliberais, como as privatizações das empresas públicas e o fim de mecanismos protecionistas do Estado à indústria nacional, que foram implementadas por Collor. Porém, o periódico fazia oposição ao presidente devido ao fracasso da sua política econômica e a sua postura autoritária em relação às críticas jornalísticas. Para perceber a visão da Folha de S. Paulo sobre os movimentos sociais, a pesquisa examinou textos editoriais e o conteúdo publicado no caderno Folhateen, voltado ao público jovem, durante os meses de julho a setembro de 1992. As análises mostraram que, em um primeiro momento, o jornal viu as manifestações com desconfiança. Posteriormente, com o seu crescimento, ele passou a apoiá-las e procurou influenciar a sua direção, diminuindo a importância dos partidos e entidades sindicais e estudantis de esquerda nas suas narrações dos protestos.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Apesar da importância das estações de tratamento de efluentes industriais (ETEIs) na conservação dos ecossistemas, estas podem ser geradoras de gases com maus odores contendo compostos orgânicos voláteis - COVs. Os maus odores têm sido motivos de protestos e reclamações por parte da população circunvizinha às fontes emissoras. Em virtude da conscientização ambiental, e dos impactos sobre a saúde do homem, o objetivo geral deste trabalho é avaliar a eficiência de um biorreator aeróbio piloto no controle de gases odoríferos emitidos em estação de tratamento de efluentes de indústrias de alimentos. Foi desenvolvido um sistema de difusão de ar odorífero em um reator aeróbio de lodo ativado, hermeticamente fechado, operado no regime de batelada sequencial, durante os dias 14, 21, 23, e 30 do mês de julho.Foram realizadas análises dos parâmetros físico-químicos do lodo ativado utilizado no reator aeróbio piloto, como determinação dos sólidos, DBO5, DQO, OD, pH, temperatura e IVL. A atividade da biomassa do lodo ativado foi avaliada por meio do teste de Respirometria. A eficiência do reator quanto à redução da DQO dos gases foi analisada por meio da absorção dos gases em solução de dicromato de potássio. Para avaliação da mensuração dos odores utilizou-se o método de cromatografia gasosa e espectrometria de massa, quantificando amostras de gases odorantes adsorvidas em tubos de carvão ativado, na entrada e na saída dobiorreator. Os resultados obtidos confirmaram o potencial do sistema de difusão em lodos ativados para o tratamento de gases odoríferos em ETEI, com eficiência de remoção dos COV`s variando de 97,3% a 98,9%.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

A collection of materials concerning the Mount Vernon Student Association during 1967-1969 maintained by the School of Theology Library and Archives.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This dissertation examines how the crisis of World War I impacted imperial policy and popular claims-making in the British Caribbean. Between 1915 and 1918, tens of thousands of men from the British Caribbean volunteered to fight in World War I and nearly 16,000 men, hailing from every British colony in the region, served in the newly formed British West Indies Regiment (BWIR). Rousing appeals to imperial patriotism and manly duty during the wartime recruitment campaigns and postwar commemoration movement linked the British Empire, civilization, and Christianity while simultaneously promoting new roles for women vis-à-vis the colonial state. In Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, the two colonies that contributed over seventy-five percent of the British Caribbean troops, discussions about the meaning of the war for black, coloured, white, East Indian, and Chinese residents sparked heated debates about the relationship among race, gender, and imperial loyalty.

To explore these debates, this dissertation foregrounds the social, cultural, and political practices of BWIR soldiers, tracing their engagements with colonial authorities, military officials, and West Indian civilians throughout the war years. It begins by reassessing the origins of the BWIR, and then analyzes the regional campaign to recruit West Indian men for military service. Travelling with newly enlisted volunteers across the Atlantic, this study then chronicles soldiers' multi-sited campaign for equal status, pay, and standing in the British imperial armed forces. It closes by offering new perspectives on the dramatic postwar protests by BWIR soldiers in Italy in 1918 and British Honduras and Trinidad in 1919, and reflects on the trajectory of veterans' activism in the postwar era.

This study argues that the racism and discrimination soldiers experienced overseas fueled heightened claims-making in the postwar era. In the aftermath of the war, veterans mobilized collectively to garner financial support and social recognition from colonial officials. Rather than withdrawing their allegiance from the empire, ex-servicemen and civilians invoked notions of mutual obligation to argue that British officials owed a debt to West Indians for their wartime sacrifices. This study reveals the continued salience of imperial patriotism, even as veterans and their civilian allies invoked nested local, regional, and diasporic loyalties as well. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on the origins of patriotism in the colonial Caribbean, while providing a historical case study for contemporary debates about "hegemonic dissolution" and popular mobilization in the region.

This dissertation draws upon a wide range of written and visual sources, including archival materials, war recruitment posters, newspapers, oral histories, photographs, and memoirs. In addition to Colonial Office records and military files, it incorporates previously untapped letters and petitions from the Jamaica Archives, National Archives of Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados Department of Archives, and US National Archives.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Like other emerging economies, India's quest for independent, evidence-based, and affordable healthcare has led to robust and promising growth in the clinical research sector, with a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 20.4% between 2005 and 2010. However, while the fundamental drivers and strengths are still strong, the past few years witnessed a declining trend (CAGR -16.7%) amid regulatory concerns, activist protests, and sponsor departure. And although India accounts for 17.5% of the world's population, it currently conducts only 1% of clinical trials. Indian and international experts and public stakeholders gathered for a 2-day conference in June 2013 in New Delhi to discuss the challenges facing clinical research in India and to explore solutions. The main themes discussed were ethical standards, regulatory oversight, and partnerships with public stakeholders. The meeting was a collaboration of AAHRPP (Association for the Accreditation of Human Research Protection Programs)-aimed at establishing responsible and ethical clinical research standards-and PARTAKE (Public Awareness of Research for Therapeutic Advancements through Knowledge and Empowerment)-aimed at informing and engaging the public in clinical research. The present article covers recent clinical research developments in India as well as associated expectations, challenges, and suggestions for future directions. AAHRPP and PARTAKE provide etiologically based solutions to protect, inform, and engage the public and medical research sponsors.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

The economic and social consequences of international trade agreements have become a major area of inquiry in development studies in recent years. As evidenced by the energetic protests surrounding the Seattle meeting of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December 1999 and the controversy about China's admission to the WTO, such agreements have also become a focus of political conflict in both the developed and developing countries. At issue are questions of job gains and job losses in different regions, prices paid by consumers, acceptable standards for wages and working conditions in transnational manufacturing industries, and the quality of the environment. All these concerns have arisen with regard to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and can be addressed through an examination of changes in the dynamics of the apparel industry in the post-NAFTA period.1 In this book, we examine the evolution of the apparel industry in North America in order to address some of these questions as they pertain to North America, with an eye toward the broader implications of our findings. We also consider the countries of the Caribbean Basin and Central America, whose textile and apparel goods are now allowed to enter the U.S. market on the same basis as those from Canada and Mexico (Odessey 2000). © 2009 by Temple University Press. All rights reserved.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Developing understandings of protest and cultures of resistance has been a central theme of the 'new' cultural geography of the 1990s and 2000s. But whilst geographers of the here and now have been highly sensitive to the importance of acts of protest which occur outside of the context of broader social movements, geographers concerned with past protests have tended to focus overwhelmingly upon either understanding the development of social movements or highly specific place-based studies. Through a focus upon the hitherto ignored practice of 'tree maiming', this paper demonstrates not only the value of examining specific protest practices in helping to better understand the complexity of conflict, but also how in periods of acute socio-economic change the evolving relationship between humans and the non-human – in this case trees – is a central discourse to the protest practices of the poor. Such attacks often involved complex cultural understandings about the ways in which trees should – and should not – be socially enrolled.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Since the publication of Hobsbawm and Rudé's Captain Swing our understanding of the role(s) of covert protests in Hanoverian rural England has advanced considerably. Whilst we now know much about the dramatic practices of incendiarism and animal maiming and the voices of resistance in seemingly straightforward acquisitive acts, one major gap remains. Despite the fact that almost thirty years have passed since E. P. Thompson brought to our attention that under the notorious ‘Black Act’ the malicious cutting of trees was a capital offence, no subsequent research has been published. This paper seeks to address this major lacuna by systematically analysing the practices and patterns of malicious attacks on plants (‘plant maiming’) in the context of late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century southern England. It is shown that not only did plant maiming take many different forms, attacking every conceivable type of flora, but also that it was universally understood and practised. In some communities plant maiming was the protestors' weapon of choice. As a social practice it therefore embodied wider community beliefs regarding the defence of plebeian livelihoods and identities.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

The government of Greece has gained notoriety for its failure to implement EU environmental directives in general, and is criticised specifically for its lack of an effective plan for the safe disposal of waste. Local mobilisations against a series of planned 'Sanitary Waste Disposal Sites' (HETAs) in three municipalities of Attica are examined. Should such protests be classified as NIMBY (not in my backyard)? Or do they present broader claims of justice and equity? Qualitative analysis of the protesters' on-line campaign material reveals that while these mobilisations do demonstrate some NIMBY characteristics, such campaigns should rather be perceived as ad hoc mobilisations reflective of tensions of late modernity. The public's mistrust of science and concerns about democratic deficit and accountability, as well as different perceptions of risk, are prominent.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This paper examines the use of visual technologies by political activists in protest situations to monitor police conduct. Using interview data with Australian video activists, this paper seeks to understand the motivations, techniques and outcomes of video activism, and its relationship to counter-surveillance and police accountability. Our data also indicated that there have been significant transformations in the organization and deployment of counter-surveillance methods since 2000, when there were large-scale protests against the World Economic Forum meeting in Melbourne accompanied by a coordinated campaign that sought to document police misconduct. The paper identifies and examines two inter-related aspects of this: the act of filming and the process of dissemination of this footage. It is noted that technological changes over the last decade have led to a proliferation of visual recording technologies, particularly mobile phone cameras, which have stimulated a corresponding proliferation of images. Analogous innovations in internet communications have stimulated a coterminous proliferation of potential outlets for images Video footage provides activists with a valuable tool for safety and publicity. Nevertheless, we argue, video activism can have unintended consequences, including exposure to legal risks and the amplification of official surveillance. Activists are also often unable to control the political effects of their footage or the purposes to which it is used. We conclude by assessing the impact that transformations in both protest organization and media technologies might have for counter-surveillance techniques based on visual surveillance.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This paper considers the concept of light pollution and its connections to moral geographies of landscape in Britain. The paper aims to provide a greater understanding of light pollution in the present day, where the issue connects to policy debates about energy efficiency, crime, health, ecology and night time aesthetics, whilst also engaging with new areas of research in cultural geography. The main sources of investigation are the Campaign to Protect Rural England and the British Astronomical Association’s Campaign for Dark Skies (est. 1990). Using interviews, archival and textual analysis, the paper examines this anti-light-pollution lobby, looking at the lead-up to the formation of the Campaign as well as its ongoing influence. A moral geography of light pollution is identified, drawing on two interconnected discourses – a notion of the ‘astronomical sublime’ and the problem of urbanization. Whilst the former is often invoked, both through visual and linguistic means, by anti-light pollution campaigners, the latter is characterized as a threat to clear night skies, echoing earlier protests against urban sprawl. Complementing a growing area of research, the geographies of light and darkness, this paper considers the light pollution lobby as a way of investigating the fundamental relationship between humankind and the cosmos in the modern age.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Northern Ireland is emerging from violence but still living with conflict. The recent flags protests in Belfast represent a challenge to public administration to transcend the contested politics of local government in Northern Ireland and to navigate a way through a symbolic legacy issue. This article draws on a longitudinal hermeneutic analysis of empirical research conducted on Northern Ireland local government over a decade, where these concerns dominated much debate. Additional analysis of the research findings reveals broader problems applicable to any public administration faced with managing situations in which good governance in public participation and procedural correctness operates alongside fundamental political disagreement and distrust. These conclusions are particularly pertinent for local administrations in societies transitioning from conflict.

Relevância:

10.00% 10.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This article examines the difficulties of finding local solutions to the problem of contentious events in contemporary Northern Ireland. In so doing, it offers a sociological perspective on fundamental divisions in Northern Ireland: between classes and between communities. It shows how its chosen case study—parades and associated protests in north Belfast—exemplifies the most fundamental problem that endures in post-Agreement Northern Ireland, namely that political authority is not derived from a common civic culture (as is the norm in Western liberal democracy) but rather that legitimacy is still founded on the basis of the culture of either one or the other community. Haugaard’s reflections on authority and legitimacy are used to explore Northern Ireland’s atypical experience of political conflict vis-`a-vis the Western liberal democratic model. The Bourdieusian concepts of field illusio and doxa help to explain why it is that parading remains such an important political and symbolic touchstone in this society.