En torno a la "anarquía" de 1714. La conflictividad política en Buenos Aires a comienzos del siglo XVIII

En este artículo se analiza el accionar político del cabildo de Buenos Aires a lo largo de un breve segmento temporal (1712-1716). Dominada por una coalición de vecinos, esta corporación demoró la entrega del poder a un gobernador y consiguió, tras enfrentar un estallido de lucha facciosa, apoderarse del mando cuando éste murió. Es un ejemplo de cómo la política fue durante el Antiguo Régimen impulsada por la competencia entre los cuerpos por intentar acrecentar sus privilegios y prerrogativas. No obstante, la corona acabó por recortar las competencias del ayuntamiento, limitándolas a la resolución de los asuntos comunales.

En torno a la "anarquía" de 1714. La conflictividad política en Buenos Aires a comienzos del siglo XVIII

En este artículo se analiza el accionar político del cabildo de Buenos Aires a lo largo de un breve segmento temporal (1712-1716). Dominada por una coalición de vecinos, esta corporación demoró la entrega del poder a un gobernador y consiguió, tras enfrentar un estallido de lucha facciosa, apoderarse del mando cuando éste murió. Es un ejemplo de cómo la política fue durante el Antiguo Régimen impulsada por la competencia entre los cuerpos por intentar acrecentar sus privilegios y prerrogativas. No obstante, la corona acabó por recortar las competencias del ayuntamiento, limitándolas a la resolución de los asuntos comunales.

En torno a la "anarquía" de 1714. La conflictividad política en Buenos Aires a comienzos del siglo XVIII

En este artículo se analiza el accionar político del cabildo de Buenos Aires a lo largo de un breve segmento temporal (1712-1716). Dominada por una coalición de vecinos, esta corporación demoró la entrega del poder a un gobernador y consiguió, tras enfrentar un estallido de lucha facciosa, apoderarse del mando cuando éste murió. Es un ejemplo de cómo la política fue durante el Antiguo Régimen impulsada por la competencia entre los cuerpos por intentar acrecentar sus privilegios y prerrogativas. No obstante, la corona acabó por recortar las competencias del ayuntamiento, limitándolas a la resolución de los asuntos comunales.

Gazprom's position on the Russian gas market weakening. OSW Commentary No. 70, 2012-02-23

As the difficulties Gazprom has faced in recent years on the European market have multiplied1, so more and more symptoms have appeared which may suggest that the company’s dominant position is deteriorating. The decision made by the Russian government in June 2011 to double the tax Gazprom has to pay on the extraction of gas, which was later approved by parliament, was the first time in many years when the company’s fiscal privileges were withdrawn. The process of Gazprom’s assets being taken over by private companies and business partners from within Vladimir Putin’s closest circle is underway. More and more frequently attempts are being made to challenge the company’s monopoly in areas of key importance for the functioning of the entire gas sector, such as Gazprom’s exclusive right to dispose of the Russian gas transportation system and its exports monopoly. Competition from independent gas producers on the domestic market is growing, and Gazprom is gradually being pushed out of some of that market’s most profitable segments (industrial clients). The emerging tendencies in the Russian gas sector derive from a number of factors – from the situation on the European gas market, through difficulties hampering the development of the sector in Russia itself, to the private interests of the current ruling class and its business partners. The plans for a structural reform of the monopoly (including isolating gas transportation system from Gazprom), presented since 2000 by the Ministry for Economic Development and since 2003 by the Russian Association of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (RSPP), suggest a direction for the changes necessary to stimulate the sector’s development and improve the efficiency of Gazprom itself. However, the monopolist’s current business model gives the government full control over this strategic enterprise, which is a core of Putin’s concept for developing Russia as a global energy power. Despite Putin’s recent statement that he “does not rule out privatising Gazprom in the future” (made at a meeting with political scientists in Moscow on 6 February this year), any structural reform of Gazprom (and consequently, a weakening of the state’s control over it) seems unlikely in the foreseeable future. Still, the developments on the domestic market – growing pressure from other gas companies (oil corporations and independent producers) and changes on the European market2 – may result in the weakening of Gazprom’s monopoly privileges and a gradual deterioration of its special status within Russia.

Munimenta alme Universitatis glasguensis. Records of the University of Glasgow from its foundation till 1727.

"Mr. Joseph Robertson, whom the Committee selected as editor, had planned the outline of the whole work, and under his superintendence about a fourth part of the first volume was printed. When he was called to an employment which left him no leisure for such work, its completion was entrusted to me."--Pref., signed: C. Innes.

[Pamphlets]

no.1 The Railroad question. 1919?--no.2 Labor and reconstruction. 1919?--no.3 Education. 1919?--no.4 Buffer employment, land, housing. 1919?--no.5 New marketing systems, the farmer and reconstruction. 1919?--no.6 International. 1919?--no.7 Popular government. 1919?--no.8 Kent, William. Democracy and efficiency. 1913.--no.9 King, Judson. The state-wide initiative and referendum. 1917.--no.10 Vrooman, C.S. Initiative and referendum in Switzerland. 1913.--no.11 Haynes, J.R. Direct government in California. 1917.--no.12 Lewis, W.D. Recall of judicial decisions in state constitutional question.--no.13 American federation of labor. Executive council. Initiative, referendum and recall. [1913?]--no. 14 Thieme, T.F. A new state constitution for Indiana. 1914?--no.15 Montague, R.W. The Oregon system at work. 1914?--no. 16 Committee to inquire into the status of democracy. [1910?]--no. 17 National popular government league, Washington, D.C. The first year and a look ahead. 1915?--no. 18 Committee to inquire into the status of democracy. The confusion of property with privilege. [1910]--no. 19 United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on privileges and elections. Publicity and control of campaign contributions and disbursements. [1917]--no. 20 Bettman, Alfred and Hale, Swinburne. Do we need more sedition laws? [1902]--no. 21 Johnson, L.J. The preferential ballot as a substitute for the direct primary. 1915.

The Occupy Movement: Two Steps Forward, One Step Back

The op-ed evaluates the successes and limitations of the Occupy Movement in the United States. Ronald W. Cox argues that the Movement was inspirational in directing media focus to the trends of growing inequality and the privileges and power of the one percent. The critique of establishment parties and progressive organizations was a key part of the Occupiers efforts to rethink the meaning of social change. The limitations of the Movement became evident, however, in its extremely decentralized structures that emphasized consensus over majoritarian decision-making, and in its refusal to acknowledge and hold accountable its own leaders.

Efectos fiscales de los asentamientos hidroeléctricos: el caso de la cuenca de los Ríos Negro y Nare en Colombia

Con la presencia de asentamientos hidroeléctricos en su territorio, los municipios del oriente y nordeste antioqueño han visto afectada su estructura tributaria y territorial, a pesar de la reglamentación compen­satoria del sector eléctrico. Este artículo, analiza los efectos tributarios generados por la compensación del impuesto predial. Para lograrlo se revisan los montos recibidos por los municipios de las empresas generadoras y se realiza una indagación empírica del impuesto bajo los escenarios con y sin asenta­mientos hidroeléctricos. De esta forma se determina el diferencial tributario. Se concluye que, además de la insuficiencia de las transferencias para compensar la pérdida del capital natural de las cuencas hidroeléctricas, la expansión del sector eléctrico genera regresividad tributaria, por causa de privilegios y exenciones concebidos por las Leyes.

Legitimidad del régimen de estampillas departamentales en Colombia

Análisis de la dinámica legitimadora de la Corte Constitucional en el tributo de estampillas, considerado desde la jurisdicción departamental, en el Estado colombiano.

Pleading - self-incrimination and penalty privileges

In Anderson v Australian Securities and Investments Commission [2012] QCA 301 the Queensland Court of Appeal allowed an appeal from the decision of the primary judge (ASIC v Managed Investments Ltd No 3 [2012] QSC 74. The Court of Appeal was satisfied that the defendants’ non-compliance with the pleading rules in the Uniform Civil Procedure Rules 1999 (Qld) was justified by the claims to privilege against self-incrimination or exposure to a penalty.

The Historical Use of Amnesties, Immunities, and Sentence Reductions in Northern Ireland

While it is widely believed that the use of amnesties and similar measures would mark a new departure in NI and the UK, so that speculation about their introduction causes public controversy and threatens political instability, the report demonstrates that such measures have in fact been repeatedly used in a wide range of circumstances since the foundation of the NI state. The paper offers definitions of the key measures which have been employed, including amnesties, sentence reductions linked to peace building and use immunities. It explores their historical use and its consequences.

Innate and acquired humoral immunities to influenza virus are mediated by distinct arms of the immune system

“Natural” Igs, mainly IgM, comprise part of the innate immune system present in healthy individuals, including antigen-free mice. These Igs are thought to delay pathogenicity of infecting agents until antigen-induced high affinity Igs of all isotypes are produced. Previous studies suggested that the acquired humoral response arises directly from the innate response, i.e., that B cells expressing natural IgM, upon antigen encounter, differentiate to give rise both to cells that secrete high amounts of IgM and to cells that undergo affinity maturation and isotype switching. However, by using a murine model of influenza virus infection, we demonstrate here that the B cells that produce natural antiviral IgM neither increase their IgM production nor undergo isotype switching to IgG2a in response to the infection. These cells are distinct from the B cells that produce the antiviral response after encounter with the pathogen. Our data therefore demonstrate that the innate and the acquired humoral immunities to influenza virus are separate effector arms of the immune system and that antigen exposure per se is not sufficient to increase natural antibody production.

Six letteer of Publicola on the liberty of the subject and the privileges of the House of Commons.

Mode of access: Internet.