A «corrupção e a fraude» no espaço comunicacional português e europeu: contributo para uma visão interdisciplinar constitucional criminológica e jurídico-penal

As formas de definir «corrupção e fraude» são infinitas, pelo que a aplicação do Direito penal constitucional pode ficar prejudicada. A comunicação e o comentário público e política são por vezes feitos em termos profundamente equivocados. Recentemente, em Portugal, destacados políticos e comentadores chegaram a apelar à «criminalização do enriquecimento ilícito», nem que fosse com o sacrifício da própria Constituição ou do Estado de Direito. É a democracia que passa a estar em perigo. Ao mesmo tempo que se defende com fanatismo quase teológico o sistema económico capitalista, procura-se consagrar na lei a sua destruição. Ou seja, há uma certa demagogia política que quer ter tudo ao mesmo tempo como se isso fosse possível. Perante isto, resta ao cidadão comum agir se for necessário sob as possibilidades das causas de justificação e fazendo uso do direito constitucional de resistência. ABSTRACT Ways to define «corruption and fraud» are endless, so the application of constitutional criminal law may be impaired. The communication and public comment and politics are sometimes done in terms profoundly mistaken. Recently, in Portugal, prominent politicians and commentators have come to call the «criminalization of illicit enrichment» (embezzlement) even if it was at the sacrifice of the Constitution or the rule of law. It is democracy that happens to be in danger. At the same time it defends itself with almost theological fanaticism the capitalist economic system, seeking to enshrine in law its destruction. That is, there is a certain political demagoguery that wants to have everything at the same time as if that were possible. Given this, it remains to ordinary act if necessary under the scope of defenses and making use of the constitutional right of resistance.

Political alliances and organisational change in political parties: a framework for analysis

This article sets out a theoretical framework for the study of organisational change within political alliances. To achieve this objective it uses as a starting point a series of premises, the most notable of which include the definition of organisational change as a discrete, complex and focussed phenomenon of changes in power within the party. In accordance with these premises, it analyses the synthetic model of organisational change proposed by Panebianco (1988). After examining its limitations, a number of amendments are proposed to adapt it to the way political alliances operate. The above has resulted in the design of four new models. In order to test its validity and explanatory power in a preliminary manner, the second part looks at the organisational change of the UDC within the CiU alliance between 1978 and 2001. The discussion and conclusions reached demonstrate the problems of determinism of the Panebianco model and suggest, tentatively, the importance of the power balance within the alliance as a key factor.

A Political Agency Model of Coattail Voting

In this paper, I provide a formal justi…cation for a well-established coattail effect, when a popular candidate at one branch of government attracts votes to candidates from the same political party for other branches of government. A political agency frame- work with moral hazard is applied to analyze coattails in simultaneous presidential and congressional elections. I show that coattail voting is a natural outcome of the optimal reelection scheme adopted by a representative voter to motivate politicians' efforts in a retrospective voting environment. I assume that an office-motivated politician (executive or congressman) prefers her counterpart to be affiliated with the same political party. This correlation of incentives leads the voter to adopt a joint performance evaluation rule, which is conditioned on the politicians belonging to the same party or different parties. The two-sided coattail effects then arise. On the one hand, the executive's suc- cess/failure props up/drags down her partisan ally in congressional election, which implies presidential coattails. On the other hand, the executive's reelection itself is affected by the congressman's performance, which results in reverse coattails. JEL classi…fication: D72, D86. Keywords: Coattail voting; Presidential coattails; Reverse coattails; Simultaneous elections; Political Agency; Retrospective voting.

How political parties, rather than member-states, are building the European Union

Political party formation and coalition building in the European Parliament is being a driving force for making governance of the highly pluralistic European Union relatively effective and consensual. In spite of successive enlargements and the very high number of electoral partiesobtaining representation in the European Union institutions, the number of effective European Political Groups in the European Parliament has decreased from the first direct election in 1979 to the fifth in 1999. The formal analysis of national party¹s voting power in different Europeanparty configurations can explain the incentives for national parties to join large European Political Groups instead of forming smaller nationalistic groupings. Empirical evidence shows increasing cohesion of European Political Groups and an increasing role of the European Parliament in EU inter-institutional decision making. As a consequence of this evolution, intergovernmentalism is being replaced with federalizing relations. The analysis can support positive expectations regarding the governability of the European Union after further enlargements provided that new member states have party systems fitting the European PoliticalGroups.

Does Direct Democracy Matters for Political Parties : An Empirical Test in the Swiss Cantons

According to most political scientists and commentators, direct democracy seems to weaken political parties. Our empirical analysis in the 26 Swiss cantons shows that this thesis in its general form cannot be maintained. Political parties in cantons with extensive use of referendums and initiatives are not in all respects weaker than parties in cantons with little use of direct democratic means of participation. On the contrary, direct democracy goes together with more professional and formalized party organizations. Use of direct democracy is associated with more fragmented and volatile party systems, and with greater support for small parties, but causal interpretations of these relationships are difficult.

RAILAS Lauri, The Rise of the LEX ELECTRONICA and the International Sale of Goods Publication of the faculty of law, University of Helsinski, Helsinski, 2004 Recension effectuée par Karim SEFFAR

L’ouvrage constitue la thèse de Doctorat de Monsieur Lauri Railas soutenue le 16 Octobre 2004 à la faculté de droit de l’Université de Helsinki. Expert reconnu en droit du commerce international, son parcours professionnel explique les orientations prises dans son étude et son approche très large des transactions relatives à la vente internationale de marchandises comparativement à d’autres travaux dans le même domaine. L’auteur a été conseiller juridique à l’Institut d’arbitrage de la chambre de commerce centrale finlandaise puis secrétaire général de la section finlandaise de la chambre internationale de commerce. Il a, ensuite, occupé le poste d’administrateur principal au secrétariat général du conseil de l’Union Européenne entre 1996 et 2002. Il est, actuellement, associé senior chez Krogerus & Co, un des plus importants cabinets d’avocats de Finlande. L’originalité de la thèse réside dans le fait qu’elle aborde les transactions relatives à la vente internationale de marchandises du point de vue du commerce électronique. L’étude traite de la création d’un cadre juridique uniforme et cohérent encadrant l’utilisation des instruments du commerce élecronique pour la vente internationale de marchandises en se concentrant, uniquement, sur le commerce électronique entre professionnels (B to B) et plus précisément sur les initiatives des organisations internationales pour en diffuser et en faciliter l’usage. S’inspirant des théories de l’analyse économique du droit, le postulat de départ de Monsieur Railas est que le commerce électronique peut changer les procédures du commerce international et apporter d’importante économie de coûts. Pour ce faire, un cadre juridique pour le commerce électronique et plus généralement les affaires électroniques, est en cours d’élaboration par les organisations internationales. L’étude aborde ces développements dans différents domaines comme la formation du contrat, le crédit documentaire ou encore la résolution des conflits.L’approche est holistique et basée sur les efforts déployés pour introduire des sources uniformes de régulation pour les transactions électroniques dans le commerce international. L’auteur recense un large répertoire de règles de droit qui sont en majorité d’origine internationales avec pour objectif la détermination du rôle que peuvent jouer les communications électroniques dans la passation de contrats de vente de marchandises, leur livraison mais aussi dans le recours au service de tiers dans des fonctions comme le transport, l’assurance-transport et la sécurisation des droits des différentes parties impliquées. L’idée de base étant que la vente internationale et le transport constituent une chaine de contrats et de services interreliés. En plus des règles de droits déjà établies, l’auteur analyse différentes initiatives de régulation novatrices pour le commerce électronique initiées par la CNUDCI notamment. L’ouvrage traite, également, des problématiques générales comme la formation des contrats et la signature électronique. Par ailleurs, l’auteur procède à l’analyse des contrats de vente dans lesquels le vendeur a l’obligation de livrer en plus des marchandises, les documents relatifs aux marchandises et ceux de transfert de propriété. Les marchandises étant soumises à différents droits de propriété, les documents de vente et de transport ont un rôle important à jouer dans l’exercice de ces droits. Enfin, l’auteur considère la procédure de résolution des conflits comme une part du cycle de vie de chaque transaction. L’arbitrage en ligne et les autres méthodes de résolution en ligne des conflits contribuant à la réalisation de transactions électroniques réussies. L’ouvrage peut être particulièrement utile pour les personnes qui s’intéressent à l’harmonisation internationale des droits applicables au commerce international. L’auteur fait une analyse, particulièrement intéressante, de plusieurs instruments et projets comme les E-terms 2004 de la chambre internationale de commerce, le système Boléro, le système TEDI (Trade Electronic Data Interchange) et le système de transactions financières SWIFNet. La finalité de la démarche est de trouver une plate-forme commune qui fasse en sorte que les transactions électroniques puissent être conclues de manière sécuritaire en s’inspirant des résultats tangibles d’harmonisation atteints par la convention de Vienne sur la vente internationale de marchandises et par les principes UNIDROIT mais aussi du consensus selon lequel le commerce électronique doit être gouverné dans une large part par les instruments de « droit mou » comme les codes de conduite, et que, les règlements extrajudiciaires des conflits doivent être utilisés pour les transactions électroniques.

Online Dispute Resolution: Some Implications for the Emergence of Law in Cyberspace

"L’auteur Ethan Katsh analyse les problématiques posées par les relations de la communauté virtuelle de l’Internet et son processus en ligne de résolution des conflits. Il explique comment le cyberespace constitue un environnement intégral et indépendant qui développe ses propres règles normatives. L’évolution des normes au sein du cyberespace semble être une conséquence des interactions entre les acteurs, sans intervention législative fondamentale de la part des états. L’auteur trace l’évolution, depuis le début des années 1990, du processus en ligne de résolution des différends, principalement dans le domaine du commerce électronique. L’accroissement rapide des relations commerciales électroniques a entraîné une hausse des litiges dans ce domaine. Dans le cadre de tels litiges, les moyens en ligne de résolution des conflits offrent aux justiciables plus de facilité, de flexibilité et d’accessibilité que les moyens alternatifs traditionnels de résolution des conflits. C’est donc dans ce contexte qu’a été développé le système ""Squaretrade"" qui a pour objectif d’aider la résolution de conflits entre les utilisateurs de ""E-Bay"". Ce système présente l’avantage important d’encadrer et d’uniformiser le processus de résolution en définissant les termes généraux et spécifiques du conflit. L’auteur soutient que la principale fonction d’un tel système est d’organiser et d’administrer efficacement les communications entre les parties. Ainsi, cette fonction préserve le ""paradigme de la quatrième personne"", nécessaire aux processus alternatifs traditionnels de résolution de conflits. Par ailleurs, cette fonction, en tant que partie intégrante du programme informatique, constitue pour les justiciables une alternative intéressante aux règles législatives. Pour l’auteur, l’analyse de ce phénomène soulève des questions importantes concernant la création de normes et leur acceptation par les citoyens. L’auteur analyse par la suite le concept général de la formation des normes dans le contexte d’un environnement non régularisé. Il soutient que les normes émergeantes doivent toujours viser à développer une forme de légitimité auprès des justiciables. Dans le cadre du processus en ligne de résolution des conflits, cette légitimité doit être acquise autant auprès des parties au litige qu’auprès de la population en général. Toutefois, les attentes des parties au litige sont souvent très différentes de celles du public. L’auteur illustre ainsi comment certains processus en ligne de résolution de conflit ne réussissent pas à obtenir une telle légitimité, alors que d’autres s’établissent en tant qu’institutions reconnues. Dans ce contexte, les institutions en ligne de résolution de conflits devront développer leur propre valeur normative. Ainsi, les moyens en ligne de résolution des conflits remettent en question le processus traditionnel de formation des normes et peuvent être considérés comme des éléments d’un nouvel environnement normatif."

Political Parties and Foreign Aid

The influence of partisan politics on public policy is a much debated issue of political science. With respect to foreign policy, often considered as above parties, the question appears even more problematic. This comparison of foreign aid policies in 16 OECD countries develops a structural equation model and uses LISREL analysis to demonstrate that parties do matter, even in international affairs. Social-democratic parties have an effect on a country's level of development assistance. This effect, however, is neither immediate nor direct. First, it appears only in the long run. Second, the relationship between leftist partisan strength and foreign aid works through welfare state institutions and social spending. Our findings indicate how domestic politics shapes foreign conduct. We confirm the empirical relevance of cumulative partisan scores and show how the influence of parties is mediated by other political determinants.

Agricultural tenancy reform: the end of law; or a new popular culture?

This paper applies a reading of the postmodernisation of law to the incremental reform of agricultural holdings legislation over the last century. In charting the shifting legal basis of agricultural tenancies, from ‘black letter’ positivism to the cultural contextuality of sumptuary law, the paper theorises that the underlying political imperative has been allied to the changing significance of property ownership and use. Rather than reflecting the long-term official desire to maintain the let sector in British agriculture, however, the paper argues that this process has had other aims. In particular, it has been about an annexation of law to legitimise the retention of landowner power while presenting a rhetorical ‘democratisation’ of farming, away from its plutocratic associations and towards a new narrative of ‘depersonalised’ business.

Franz Neumann, the rule of law and the unfulfilled promise of classical liberal thought

This thesis draws on the work of Franz Neumann, a critical theorist associated with the early Frankfurt School, to evaluate liberal arguments about political legitimacy and to develop an original account of the justification for the liberal state.

Of Law, Lawlessness, and Sovereignty : Multinational Peacekeeping and International Law

Laws of war have been carefully defined by individual nations’ own codes of law as well as by supranational bodies. Yet the international scene has seen an increasing movement away from traditionally declared war toward multinational peacekeeping missions geared at containing local conflicts when perceived as potential threats to their respective regions’ political stability. While individual nations’ laws governing warfare presuppose national sovereignty, the multinational nature of peacekeeping scenarios can blur the lines of command structures, soldiers’ national loyalties, occupational jurisdiction, and raise profound questions as to which countries’ moral sense/governmental system is to be the one upheld. Historically increasingly complex international relations have driven increasingly detailed internationally drafted guidelines for countries’ interactions while at war, yet there are operational, legislative, and moral issues arising in multinational peacekeeping situations which these laws do not address at all. The author analyzes three unique peacekeeping operations in light of these legislative voids and suggests systematic points to consider to the end of protecting the peacekeepers, the national interests of the countries involved, operational matters, and clearly delineating both the objective and logical boundaries of a given multinational peacekeeping mission.

As dificuldades da reforma tributária como um jogo de elites na visão das elites pernambucanas

O presente texto está focado na temática da Reforma Tributária e, em particular, na sua dificuldade em ser aprovada pelo Congresso Nacional. Sendo o Sistema Tributário a base da manutenção do federalismo, já que sem a partilha das receitas tributárias entre os entes federados não há como assegurar sua independência financeira e, portanto, também sua autonomia, o contexto federativo se apresenta como um dificultador. A Reforma, além de tratar de aproximar o atual Sistema Tributário de um sistema ideal, tem que procurar manter uma autonomia mínima dos entes para que o Estado Federal – cláusula pétrea de nossa Constituição Federal - não se converta em Unitário. Nesse panorama, a relação entre o Executivo Federal, os Executivos Estaduais e o Congresso Nacional, no que tange à aprovação de assuntos ligados à agenda da Reforma Tributária, se reveste de fundamental importância para o entendimento dos obstáculos que têm levado à paralisação os principais projetos a ela ligados. Importante, também, se afigura o entendimento do jogo entre as elites que ocorre dentro e fora do Congresso Nacional, resultando substanciais alterações nessas propostas. Nesse sentido, a teoria das escolhas racionais se mostra uma ferramenta adequada para ajudar nessa compreensão. Para se alcançar o objetivo proposto - levantar os obstáculos que têm impedido o avanço de projetos que visem promover ampla reforma no Sistema Tributário brasileiro -, foram realizadas 28 entrevistas que tiveram com requisitos básicos para a seleção dos sujeitos: o de estarem exercendo suas atividades no Estado de Pernambuco; e de terem participado direta ou indiretamente em processos de Reformas Tributárias amplas, em particular, da proposta que foi apresentada em 2008 por meio da PEC 233/08. Foram entrevistados Ex-ministros de Estado, Ex-governadores, Secretários e Ex- Secretários das Receitas das três esferas de Poder, Deputados Federais, líderes empresariais, líderes de órgãos e entidades de classe, advogados tributaristas e agentes do fisco estadual. Os resultados obtidos sugerem que, embora existam diversos obstáculos de difícil superação e que devem ser esgotados em mesas de negociação antes de a proposta ser remetida ao Congresso Nacional, o conflito distributivo entre os entes federados se apresenta como o principal problema a ser observado. A sua presença parece ter a capacidade de romper o tecido partidário e dissolver as coalizões de apoio e de oposição ao Governo, repercutindo sobre o eixo da negociação que, para processos dessa natureza, passa a ser entre os Executivos Federal e Estaduais e não mais entre o Executivo Federal e sua coalizão de apoio, como normalmente ocorre.