The Whig almanac, and politician's register, for 1838 : containing full tables of the votes for president in the several states by counties, compared with the votes cast in the same states and counties during the last year. : With a list of the chief executive and judicial officers of the United States, and members of Congress. : Also, a variety of anecdotes, bon mots, and other political matter, besides the usual almanac tables, &c. &c.

Drake, M. Almanacs,

The 1952 elections, a statistical analysis ... of the 1952 presidential, senatorial, congressional and gubernatorial elections with supporting tables,

Mode of access: Internet.

Before the Republican National Committee July, 1952, session. Brief for the delegates of the regular Republican organization of Texas.

Mode of access: Internet.

The process of delegate selection for the Republican National Convention of 1960.

Mode of access: Internet.

Oliver Dyer's phonographic report of the proceedings of the National Free Soil Convention at Buffalo, N.Y. August 9th and 10th, 1848. : Copyright secured according to law.

Text printed in two columns.

Some political writings,

Papers, for the most part, advocating tariff reform, free trade, etc.

Ireland and immigration: explaining the absence of the far right

Garner seeks to explain the absence of far-right political formations in the history of the Republic of Ireland, especially in relation to immigration. He argues that the ‘mainstream’ nationalist parties have implemented a racialized governance of Ireland via the issue of citizenship (in the referendum of 2004). While hegemonic ideas on the racial purity of indigenous populations and the highly ambivalent attitudes and policies on immigration pursued over the last decade are characteristic of a broader European trend, this has not, in the Republic, been accompanied by meaningful far-right political mobilization. Ireland has frequently been seen as sui generis in political terms, and indeed emerges in some ways as a counter-case: increasing hostility towards Others has been identified in the midst of rapid economic growth and political stability. A variety of issues related to the country’s political development have given rise to an especially small left-wing vote, a nationalist centre ground and longlasting domination by a single populist party, Fianna Fa´ il. This party has been partnered in government since 1997 by a free-market party, the Progressive Democrats, who have contributed to Ireland’s movement towards neo-liberal policies and a highly functional approach to immigration. The transition from country of emigration to country of immigration has thus taken place against an ideological backdrop in which the imperatives of labour demand and consolidating domestic support for reform have made an uneasy match, resulting in the racialization of Irishness. The state has, however, amended the Constitution in order to qualify jus soli citizenship entitlement in the case of particular categories of people: those whose parents are not Irish nationals. The significant stakes of these changes are analysed in the context of state responses to Eire’s transition to a country of immigration, and the role of nationalist-populism in the country’s political culture.

Charter and Party Boat Operators in the U.S. Gulf of Mexico: A Social Structure Perspective

To better address the charter and party boat fishery needs in the U.S. Gulf of Mexico, fishery managers must understand the linkages between the industry and other groups and organizations that affect its success. Gulf state charter and party boat operators were interviewed to ascertain the extent of their social network linkages, membership in community organizations, business community relationships, and linkages to information sources. Approximately one-third to one-half of the charter and party boat operators did not belong to local community organizations that could assist their business through tourism promotion or natural resource protection. Despite their limited integration in the community, the vast majority of operators gave and received referrals from other businesses. Of four major information sources, the National Weather Service and the County Marine Extension agents were rated highest and lowest, respectively, in mean importance to charter and party boat operators. Results suggest that business success can be enhanced by strengthening network ties between operators and local businesses, chambers of commerce, and tourism organizations. For this to occur, individual operators and charter/party boat organizations need to become more effective in representing industry interests. Informational linkages between industry and govemment agencies also need improvement.

The U.S. Gulf of Mexico Party Boat Industry: Activity Centers, Species Targeted, and Fisheries Management Opinions

In addition to providing an overview of the party boat fishery in the U.S. Gulf of Mexico, a management-oriented methodology is presented that can be used elsewhere to assess regulatory impacts. Party boat operators were interviewed to determine species targeted, percent time committed to targeting each species, and opinions on current catch restrictions. Over two-thirds of the fieet was located on the west coast of Florida. Overall, most boats targeted <5 species. Four species accounted for 90 percent of the estimated effort by party boats in the U.S. Gulf of Mexico: Snapper; Lutjanus sp.; grouper, Epinephelus sp. and Mycteroperca sp.; amberjack, Seriola dumerili; and king mackerel, Scomberomorus cavalla. Party boat effort in Texas was devoted primarily to snapper, whereas in Florida most effort was devoted to snapper and grouper collectively. Party boat operators were diverse in their opinions of management regulations in force when interviewed. Results revealed why major opposition would he expected from Texas party boat operators for red snapper bag limits and other restrictions proposed by the Gulf of Mexico Fishery Management Council.

Party Size and Constituency Representation: Evidence from the 19th-Century U.S. House of Representatives

Research on congressional parties assumes, but has not directly shown, that party size affects individual members' calculations. Drawing on a key case from the nineteenth-century House the secession-driven Republican hegemony of 1861 this article explores the hypothesis that party voting not only declines but also becomes more strongly linked to constituency factors as relative party size increases. The analysis reveals that the jump in party size coincides with (1) a decrease in party voting among individual continuing members, (2) a strengthening association between some constituency factors and party voting, and (3) patterns of decline in individual party voting that are explained in part by constituency measures.

A Social and Economic Characterization of the U.S. Gulf of Mexico Recreational Shark Fishery

A mail survey of tournament shark anglers and party boat shark anglers was completed to examine their fishing activity, attitudes, trip expenditures, and consumer surplus. A sample of 700 shark anglers was selected from tournaments in the Gulf of Mexico during 1990, and a sample of party boat shark anglers was drawn from Port Aransas, Tex., party boat anglers during the summer of 1991. A response rate of 58% (excluding nondeliverables) was obtained from tournament anglers. The sample of party boat shark anglers was too small to provide useful results. Tournament shark anglers reported fishing an average of 58 days per year and targeted sharks and other large marine species. Tournaments occupy a small portion of their fishing effort. If this group of anglers were not able to fish for sharks, one-third indicated no other species would be an acceptable substitute, while others were willing to substitute other large marine species. Shark trip expenditures averaged $197 per trip with a consumer surplus of $111 per trip. Based on MRFSS estimates of the number of shark fishing trips, we estimate a total of $43,355,000 was spent by shark anglers in the Gulf of Mexico with a consumer surplus of $23,865,000 for a total gross value of the shark fishery of $66,220,000. MRFSS estimates of the number of sharks landed indicate an equivalent use value of $183 per shark.

Symmetrical Solutions, Asymmetrical Realities: Beyond the Politics of Paralysis

The historic significance of the Good Friday Agreement and its role in ending organized political violence is acknowledged at the outset. The article then goes on to probe the roots of the political paralysis built into the architecture of the Agreement that are predicated on a misplaced political and cultural symmetry between the “two communities.” It is suggested that the institutionalized relationship between Northern Ireland and the rest of the U.K. facilitates a cross-party, populist, socio-economic consensus among the nationalist and unionist political parties on the welfare state, taxation and maintaining the massive British subvention to the region. This in turn allows them to concentrate on a divisive culturalist politics, i.e., on antagonistic forms of cultural and identity politics over such issues as flags, parades, and the legacy of the “Troubles” which spills over into gridlock into many areas of regional administration. The article argues for a much broader understanding of culture and identity rooted in the different, if overlapping and interdependent, material realities of both communities while challenging the idea of two cultures/identities as fixed, mutually exclusive, non-negotiable and mutually antagonistic. It then focuses on the importance of Belfast as a key arena which will determine the long-term prospects of an alternative and more constructive form of politics, and enable a fuller recognition of the fundamental asymmetries and inter-dependence between the “two communities.” In the long run, this involves re-defining and reconstructing what is meant by the “Union” and a “United Ireland.”

Reinventing America on the battlefields of Spain or following the party line: conflicting perceptions of the Spanish Civil War in the present and in the past

Isolationism and neutrality are two of the recurrent themes in the study of the history of the U.S. foreign policy in the interwar years. The trauma of the Great War, which had swept away 130.000 U.S. lives and had cost $30 billion, had led public opinion to strongly oppose any involvement with European affairs. Besides, the urgent need for economic recovery during the dismal years of the Great Depression did not leave Roosevelt much room for manoeuvre to influence international events. His positions regarding the intentions of the Fascist states remained, at best, ambivalent. These facts notwithstanding, about 2800 U.S. citizens crossed the Atlantic and rushed in to help democratic Spain, which was on the verge of becoming one more hostage in the hands of the Fascism. They joined the other British, Irish and Canadian volunteers and formed the XV International Brigade. 900 Americans never returned home. This alone should challenge the commonly held assumption that the American people were indifferent to the rise of the Fascist threat in Europe. But it also begs other questions. Considering the prevailing isolationist mood, what really motivated them? With what discursive elements did these men construct their anti Fascist representations? How far did their understanding of the Spanish democracy correspond to their own American democratic ideal? In what way did their war experience across the Atlantic mould their perception of U.S. politics (both domestic and foreign)? How far did the Spanish Civil War constitute one first step towards the realization that the U.S. might actually be drawn into another international conflict of unpredictable consequences? Last but not the least, what ideological, political and cultural complicity existed between the men from the English-speaking battalions? In order to unearth some of the answers, I intend to examine their letters and see how these men recorded the historical events in which they took part. Their correspondence emerged from the desire to prove their commitment to a common cause and spoke of a common war experience, but each letter, in its uniqueness, ends up mirroring not only the social and political background of each individual fighter, but also his own particular perspective of the war, of world politics and of the Spanish people. We shall see how these letters differ and converge and how these particular accounts weave, as in an epistolary novel, a larger-than-life narrative of outrage and solidarity, despair and hope.