Aftermath of the Maidan. Ukrainian society two years after the revolution. OSW Commentary Number 199/04.03.2016

Two years after the Revolution of Dignity, it is clear that hopes of a quick reconstruction and modernisation of the Ukrainian state as a political and institutional system have not been fulfilled. The resistance of the bureaucrats, politicians and oligarchs who make up the informal, corrupt systems has proven to be very strong, and the will of part of the political elite and the EU and the United States to implement the procedures they have suggested has proved insufficient. If not for the war and the economic collapse, which forced Kyiv to seek external financial assistance and political support, the modernisation of the state would have proceeded even more slowly and with yet greater difficulty.

Designed for Patience. The Significance of International Factors in the Ukrainian and Belarusian Transitions

This paper focuses on Belarus in order to find explanation as to why could Lukashenko remain the authoritarian leader of Belarus, while in Ukraine the position of the political elite had proved less stable and collapsed in 2004. We seek to determine whether the internal factors (macroeconomic conditions, standard of living, the oppressive nature of the political system) play a significant role in the operation of the domino effect. This article emphasises the determining role of immanent internal factors, thus the political stability in Belarus can be explained by the role of the suppressing political regime, the hindrance of democratic rights and the relatively good living conditions that followed the transformational recession. Whilst in Ukraine, the markedly different circumstances brought forth the success of the Orange Revolution.

A japán társadalmi klaszterek szerepe és kihasználásának lehetőségei a versenyképesség megtartásában = The Role of Clusters in Japan’s Competitiveness

Az amerikai történelemben a paradigmaváltások meglehetősen nagyszabású és alapvető hatásokkal jártak, míg Japánban mintha hosszú távon is a Tudományos vezetés (gyártás-orientált) paradigmájánál maradtak volna, mely aztán módosult valamennyit a többi paradigma megjelenésének hatására. A tanulmány ebből az elméleti megállapításból kiindulva vizsgálja meg mind szakirodalmi alapon, mind egy kérdőíves kutatás segítségével, a japán társadalom „reakcióidejét”: attitűdjeit a változással, az alkalmazkodással szemben. Alapfeltételezése, hogy a tartós versenyképesség fenntartásához elengedhetetlen a külső körülményekhez való folyamatos alkalmazkodás, ami időről időre a múlt gyakorlatainak megkérdőjelezését eredményezi. Rövid elemzésünk azon az előfeltevésen alapult, hogy egy vagy több, a számát és / vagy társadalmi befolyását tekintve jelentős társadalmi csoport továbbra is erősen támogatja a hagyományos japán vezetési gyakorlatot. A hipotézist sikeresen bebizonyítottuk: a hagyományos menedzsmentet szignifikánsan támogatta két olyan klaszter, melyek száma jelentősen meghaladta a panel fennmaradó részét és amelyek nagyobb fokú társadalmi befolyást is képviseltek. Megállapítottuk, hogy a régi rendszert valószínűleg azok a rangidős japán férfiak támogatják, akik állandó dolgozóként vagy vezetőként dolgoznak meglehetősen nagy vállalatoknál, hosszú távú foglalkoztatásban. Egy másik csoportot is azonosítottunk az előzővel szemben, mely fiatalabb tagokból áll, változatosabb és magasabb iskolai végzettség jellemzi. Még nem egyértelmű, hogy a második csoport tagjai életkoruk előrehaladtával betagozódnak majd a japán rendszerbe és vállalatokba, ahogy az a múltban is történt, vagy továbbra is küzdenek majd a hagyományos módszerek ellen. Mindenesetre célszerűnek látszik az eredmények alapján a kutatás továbbgondolása és magyarországi megvalósítása is, ami által a magyar gazdasági és kormányzati elit a versenyképesség szempontjából értékes információkhoz juthat, nevezetesen az elavultnak számító gyakorlatok beazonosításán és az ennek fennmaradásáért felelős csoportok leírásán keresztül. _________ In the American history, change between paradigms implied rather large-scale and deep effects, whereas the Japanese seem to keep the focus on the Scientific Management (or production-oriented) paradigm which was only party altered by the others (HR, etc.). Based on this affirmation, our study examines the reactivity of Japanese society both in a theoretical and in a practical sense. We assumed first that continuous adaptation to the external conditions is an essential element of long-term competitiveness, which implies the regular questioning of old management practices. We presumed that one or several group(s) of people is (are) still strongly supporting traditional Japanese management practices and they must be important in terms of number and/or social influence. We have found evidence for our hypothesis: two significantly supportive clusters which largely outnumbered the rest of the panel and represented a higher level of social influence as well. We stated that the old system is probably supported by senior Japanese males who work as regular (core) employees or managers in rather large companies and enjoy long-term employment. Another group was also identified as a contrast to the former one, with younger members, more diversity and a higher level of education. As they grow older, the second group may become socialized into the Japanese system as happened in the past, or continue to reject traditional methods. Based on our observations, it seems useful to broaden the focus of our research and carry out a similar study in Hungary as well. This will bring valuable information on competitiveness to the business and political elite, enabling them to identify inefficient old practices and to better target the groups responsible for maintaining those practices.

Válaszúton: Konszolidált vagy színlelt demokrácia? (At the crossroads: consolidated or simulated democracy)

Az írás az utóbbi néhány év magyarországi válságjelenségeinek magyarázatát keresi. Elméletileg egyrészt a demokratikus elitizmus fogalmi rendszere alkalmazhatóságának kérdőjeleit fogalmazza meg, másrészt a szimulált demokrácia fogalmának megalkotására tesz kísérletet. A színlelt demokrácia feltételei között a társadalom jelentős csoportjai és az elit csak imitálják a szabályok elfogadását, ami kiegészül a demokratikus játékszabályokat illető elitkonszenzus hiányával, valamint a politikai vezetőréteg és a társadalom kapcsolatában a szimbolikus képviselet dominanciájával – a tartalmi képviselet és a felelősség helyett. A populista tendenciák bátorítása, a transzformatív elemek túlsúlya, a politika perszonalizációja, a hétköznapi élet és a szakmai kérdések átpolitizálása, az ellenfelek legitimációjának megkérdőjelezése, eltérő irányú üzenetek küldése a köz és az elit számára, a közpénzek nem transzparens felhasználása, a széles körben elterjedt adóelkerülés és normaszegés, valamint az ígérgetés fatális lehet a demokratikus stabilitás és a politikai rendszer működése szempontjából. ________ The article seeks to identify the causes of the Hungarian crisis phenomena that emerged in the past couple of years. Theoretically, fi rst it asks whether the conceptual framework of democratic elitism can be applied, and then it attempts to outline the concept of simulated democracy. The article argues that in a simulated democracy both the elite and large groups within society only imitate that they accept the rules of the game. Moreover, there is no elite consensus about these rules and instead of substantive representation and responsibility symbolic representation does dominate the linkage between political elite and society. Both democratic stability and the performance of the regime will be seriously undermined because the elite encourage populist tendencies, transformative elements dominate, politics is personalized, everyday life and professional issues are over-politicized. In addition, the legitimacy of the opponents tends to be questioned, different and opposing messages are sent to the public and to the elite, public monies are spent in a nontransparent way, and tax-evasion, norm-breaching and over-bidding prevail.

Norms and Greek foreign policy: 1981--2000

From the end of WWII to the end of the Cold War Greek foreign policy was shaped by the dynamics of the Cold War. The major issues facing Greek foreign policy decision makers in the post-cold war era are its relations with its Northern neighbors, Albania, The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), and Bulgaria, its relations with Turkey, and Greece's future in the European Union. Although the three issues overlap there is consensus among the Greek political elite that the relationship with Turkey is the most pressing since Turkey poses the most immediate security threat. In the last twenty-five years the two countries came to the verge of war three times over the continental shelf in the Aegean and Cyprus. The latest crisis was in 1996. Since then Greek policy makers have embarked on a conciliatory road towards Turkey that has gained momentum in the last three years. The purpose of this dissertation is to describe the process of the recent change in Greek foreign policy vis-à-vis Turkey, as reflected in the words and deeds (speeches, interviews, statements, policies) of the Greek policy makers. In addition, the study seeks to understand how this change is related to rules existing at the global, regional, and domestic levels. The central question to be asked is: how do rules existing at these levels regulate and constitute the foreign policy process of the Greek government. I utilize the theoretical insights and concepts provided by constructivism in order to carry out my research. The analysis establishes the relationship between the agents (Greek foreign policy makers) and the various rules and explores this relationship as an ongoing process by ascertaining the social context within which this process is unfolding. ^

Disease and hygiene in the construction of a nation: The public sphere, public space, and the private domain in Buenos Aires, 1871–1910

The maturation of the public sphere in Argentina during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was a critical element in the nation-building process and the overall development of the modern state. Within the context of this evolution, the discourse of disease generated intense debates that subsequently influenced policies that transformed the public spaces of Buenos Aires and facilitated state intervention within the private domains of the city’s inhabitants. Under the banner of hygiene and public health, municipal officials thus Europeanized the nation’s capital through the construction of parks and plazas and likewise utilized the press to garner support for the initiatives that would remedy the unsanitary conditions and practices of the city. Despite promises to the contrary, the improvements to the public spaces of Buenos Aires primarily benefited the porteño elite while the efforts to root out disease often targeted working-class neighborhoods. The model that reformed the public space of Buenos Aires, including its socially differentiated application of aesthetic order and public health policies, was ultimately employed throughout the Argentine Republic as the consolidated political elite rolled out its national program of material and social development.

The Caribbean Court of Justice: An investigation of the impact of elites on its creation and present structure as it relates to original jurisdiction

The primary focus of this dissertation is to determine the degree to which political, economic, and socio-cultural elites in Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago influenced the development of the Caribbean Court of Justice's (CCJ) original jurisdiction. As members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), both states replaced their protectionist model with open regionalism at the end of the 1980s. Open regionalism was adopted to make CARICOM member states internationally competitive. Open regionalism was also expected to create a stable regional trade environment. To ensure a stable economic environment, a regional court with original jurisdiction was proposed. A six member Preparatory Committee on the Caribbean Court of Justice (PREPCOM), on which Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago sat, was formed to draft the Agreement Establishing the Caribbean Court of Justice that would govern how the Court would interpret the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas (RTC) and enforce judgments. ^ Through the use of qualitative research methods, namely elite interviews, document data, and text analysis, and a focus on three levels of analysis, that is, the international, regional, and domestic, three major conclusions are drawn. First, changes in the international economic environment caused Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago to support the establishment of a regional court. Second, Jamaica had far greater influence on the final structure of the CCJ than Trinidad & Tobago. Third, it was found that in both states the political elite had the greatest influence on the development and structure of the CCJ. The economic elite followed by the socio-cultural elite were found to have a lesser impact. These findings are significant because they account for the impact of elites and elite behavior on institutions in a much-neglected category of states: the developing world.^

Europeanization beyond the EU: The case of Georgia.

320 p.

El impacto de las normas y de la ideología sobre el procesamiento emocional, motivacional y cognitivo del comportamiento político de las elites de poder y la ciudadanía de Córdoba. Norms and ideologies impact on the emotional, motivational and cognitive processesing of power elite and citizen political behavior in Cordoba.

El presente estudio pretende arribar a la construcción de un modelo explicativo del comportamiento político a partir de la contribución que los marcos sociales (norma sociales, normas de ciudadanía, ideología, confianza política) y sociocognitivos (inteligencia afectiva, interés político, eficacia política, conocimiento político, sentimiento de comunidad) mostraron, en términos de relaciones entre las variables, sobre el mismo. Nuestra atención se centra no sólo al comportamiento político de la ciudadanía -que es donde se desarrollaron la mayor parte de los estudios-, sino a las elites de poder constitutivas del sistema político (jueces, legisladores provinciales y representantes de instituciones del gobierno y de organismos no gubernamentales). Asimismo, pretende establecer las diferencias que puedan evidenciarse en torno a la relación de estas variables con el comportamiento político entre los distintos colectivos estudiados en el ámbito de la ciudad de Córdoba. Para ello se realizara una primera etapa de estudio instrumental, con el objeto de analizar las propiedades psicométricas de los instrumentos a utilizar en la operacionalización de las variables. Para ello se tomara una muestra accidental de 250 personas entre 18 y 65 años de edad. Posteriormente, se realizarán dos etapas de estudio ex post facto, con la finalidad de construir los modelos planteados. En la primera de ellas, se trabajará con una muestra accidental de 100 representantes de los grupos de poder estudiados y en la segunda con una muestra probabilística de 500 ciudadanos cordobeses entre 18 y 65 años de edad.

Water scarcity, social power and the production of an elite suburb: the political ecology of water in Matadepera, Catalonia

This article investigates the history of land and water transformations in Matadepera, a wealthy suburb of metropolitan Barcelona. Analysis is informed by theories of political ecology and methods of environmental history; although very relevant, these have received relatively little attention within ecological economics. Empirical material includes communications from the City Archives of Matadepera (1919-1979), 17 interviews with locals born between 1913 and 1958, and an exhaustive review of grey historical literature. Existing water histories of Barcelona and its outskirts portray a battle against natural water scarcity, hard won by heroic engineers and politicians acting for the good of the community. Our research in Matadepera tells a very different story. We reveal the production of a highly uneven landscape and waterscape through fierce political and power struggles. The evolution of Matadepera from a small rural village to an elite suburb was anything but spontaneous or peaceful. It was a socio-environmental project well intended by landowning elites and heavily fought by others. The struggle for the control of water went hand in hand with the land and political struggles that culminated – and were violently resolved - in the Spanish Civil War. The displacement of the economic and environmental costs of water use from few to many continues to this day and is constitutive of Matadepera’s uneven and unsustainable landscape. By unravelling the relations of power that are inscribed in the urbanization of nature (Swyngedouw, 2004), we question the perceived wisdoms of contemporary water policy debates, particularly the notion of a natural scarcity that merits a technical or economic response. We argue that the water question is fundamentally a political question of environmental justice; it is about negotiating alternative visions of the future and deciding whose visions will be produced.

Implicit corporate political activity and elite formation

Nesta tese, analisamos como a elite empresarial progressista criou a organização da sociedade civil Rede Nossa São Paulo (RNSP), alcançando mudanças institucionais significativas, permitindo assim a consolidação da elite na esfera política. A pesquisa resultou em três artigos. O primeiro artigo discute como a RNSP se tornou um forte ator político na cidade de São Paulo e também no Brasil. Para abordar esta questão, mostramos como a RNSP usou a história retórica para se tornar um ator central na esfera política. No segundo artigo, propomos o conceito de atividade política corporativa implícita (ICPA), complementar a atividade política corporativa. Conceituamos ICPA como elites empresariais em conjunto com organizações da sociedade civil agindo para influenciar o governo. Com os limites entre o governo, as empresas e organizações da sociedade civil difusos; entendemos que este conceito é extremamente importante para chamar a atenção e criar novos caminhos para a pesquisa sobre a influência das empresas no governo. No último artigo, mostramos os micro fundamentos da ICPA. Especificamente, como as elites empresariais e corporações influenciam a RNSP e, indiretamente, o governo. Concluindo, contribuímos para a literatura sobre a influência das empresas no governo e na esfera pública indiretamente, por meio de organizações da sociedade civil. Teoricamente, estendemos a literatura de teoria institucional, história e poder

The Hungarian Economic Elite After the Political Transition

Erzsebet Szalai (Hungary). The Hungarian Economic Elite after the Political Transition. Ms. Szalai is a research fellow in the Institute of Political Sciences in Budapest and worked on this project from July 1996 to June 1998. In the period following the political changes of 1989, the leading forces of the economic elite have gained increasing superiority over the political and cultural elites, with the clear ambition of putting the latter to their service. The power relations within the economic elite were characterised by "a war of all against all". The desire to gain precedence over others became an openly declared value. The formation of estates and the intensification of competition became embodied in a multitude of lobbies which cropped up to assert short-term interests. After the state socialist period, possession of at least two of the social, economic and cultural forms of capital is necessary to join one of the three segments of the elite: political, cultural or economic. What defines the ability of the members of the three elite groups to assert their interests is their ability to convert any of the three types of capital into another. That is to say, the basis on which they can retain and extend their position is "symbolic capital" as interpreted by Bourdieu. The concept of symbolic capital is useful for describing the power relations following the collapse of state socialist systems and societies. In the state-socialist system, the political, economic and cultural spheres are tightly interwoven, and this interpenetration slackens only slowly after the system's disintegration. A close institutional relationship between the three spheres continues to make it easier for power actors to convert social, economic and cultural capital from one type to another. Symbolic capital, or the easy transfer between the three spheres, in turn reproduces the institutional relationship, or more precisely, complicates the separation of the three spheres after the fall of state socialism.

The Portuguese Administrative Elite, 1851-1910

The aim of this article is to examine the composition and patterns of recruitment of the ministries’directors-general, as well as to assess the interconnections between bureaucracy and politics, from the beginnings of Regeneração (1851) until the breakdown of Monarchy (1910). The post of director-general was considered one of “political trust”, that might be filled by individuals from outside the civil service, and the selection and de-selection of officeholders depended exclusively on the ministers’ will. Nonetheless, most directors-general were experienced bureaucrats, boasting a steady career as civil servants, and remained in office for long terms, regardless of ministerial discontinuities. In other words, High Administration became relatively immune to party-driven politics. Due to their professional background and lengthy tenure, directors-general were usually highly skilled specialists, combining technical expertise and practical knowledge of the wheels of state bureaucracy. Hence, they were often influential actors in policy-making, playing an active (and sometimes decisive) part behind the scenes, in both designing and implementing government policies. As regards their social profile, directors-general formed a cohesive and homogeneous elite group: being predominantly drawn from urban middle class milieus, highly educated, and appointed to office in their forties.

As mulheres na elite parlamentar: o paradoxo moçambicano

O propósito do presente trabalho é analisar o acesso da mulher no parlamento moçambicano, e tentar explicar a razão do bom desempenho em atingir um alto número de deputadas e qual é o grau da sua participação na política. Nos últimos vinte anos, em consequência da democracia que se fez sentir em todos os cantos do mundo, tem-se assistido ao alargamento do espaço para uma maior participação política dos cidadãos nos processos de tomada de decisão em todos os níveis. Igualmente, assistiu-se a integração de novas perspectivas de participação política do cidadão, dentro as quais, a perspectiva orientada para factores de género, como uma maneira de entender a relação e interacção entre homens e mulheres na esfera política. Os diferentes processos de transição política que marcaram o continente africano nos finais dos anos 80 e início dos anos 90, possibilitaram a abertura para uma maior participação do cidadão nos processos políticos, económicos, sociais, porém, alguns estudos, indicam que tal abertura ainda não está a produzir mudanças no que concerne à eliminação das desigualdades entre homens e mulheres na participação política. Os homens ainda continuam a ocupar lugares de destaque nos centros de tomada de decisão em relação às mulheres, o que nos permite concluir que ainda existem discrepâncias nas relações entre homens e mulheres, bem como no espaço de tomada de decisão. O número crescente de mulheres a cargos de direcção e chefia, bem como, o seu envolvimento e participação na tomada de decisões a vários níveis, fazem parte dos resultados das acções empreendidas pelo governo e pela sociedade civil para o avanço da mulher e equilíbrio das relações de género. O que permite perceber o reconhecimento da importância de envolver as mulheres nos processos de tomada de decisão a todos os níveis. VI Moçambique tem uma alta percentagem de mulheres parlamentares (39,2%), cenário que de acordo com Agência Sueca de Desenvolvimento Internacional (ASDI) 2005, um dos motivos deve-se ao sistema de quotas adoptado pelo partido FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) que prevê que a mulher deve perfazer um terço das candidaturas. Factor este que em 2005, fez com que Moçambique atingisse 30% nos órgãos de decisão conforme o recomendado pela Commonwealth. O acesso ao poder e a participação da mulher no parlamento moçambicano contribui para trazer mudanças nas relações de género, assim como na definição de políticas e estratégias que visam uma maior emancipação da mulher. No entanto, este reconhecimento não se expressa ainda num real acesso e exercício político por parte das mulheres, pois estas ainda enfrentam uma série de barreiras a nível familiar, comunitário e institucional para aceder ao espaço político. Mesmo nos cenários em que elas acedem ao espaço político não fazem o uso devido de modo a influenciar os processos e agendas políticas para a necessidade de incorporar aspectos de género, ou orientados para o esforço das capacidades de participação das mulheres. A participação da mulher no parlamento não pode ser medida apenas em termos do número de mulheres que fazem parte do parlamento, esses números, não podem ser tomados como sinónimo de melhoria generalizada dos direitos e oportunidades das mulheres.

A elite política parlamentar portuguesa: caracterização, cristalização e circulação (2005-2011)

Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência Política