O futuro da liderança de topo na administração pública portuguesa. Forças motrizes e cenários possíveis.

Dissertação de mestrado em Administração Pública, orientada pelo Professor Doutor J. A. Oliveira Rocha apresentada na Escola de Economia e Gestão da Universidade do Minho, em 2006.

Do Comandante Supremo das Forças Armadas

The President of the Portuguese Republic’s relation with the Armed Forces in the current political system is not confined to the vast legislative and constitutional set. As Chief of State and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, the President holds different powers. We develop an approach through the main concepts and themes that regulate the Armed Forces and National Defense, focusing the relations that involve the President directly. The attribution by inherence of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces to the Chief of State, imposes a peculiar relation with the remainder sovereign institutions. The need to analyze the intermediate services as far as military and defense issues are concerned becomes necessary, in particular the role of the Military Cabinet – as a structure of direct support – and the High Council of National Defense – as an advisory body.

Portugal no conselho de segurança das Nações Unidas

The United Nations is an international organization that was created after World War II, whose main objective is to promote cooperation, social and economic development, as well as to ensure international peace and security. The Member States are key actors in the international political system. For that reason they have strategic interests in what regards taking part in the international organizations. They see it as an opportunity to achieve those goals. The United Nations Security Council has a very important role in preserving international peace and security. It is the organ of the United Nations in which fifteen member states are represented: five permanently and ten non-permanently, being that the latter are elected for two years. Participating in the Security Council is a unique opportunity for middle powers like Portugal to promote their national interests and to increase their international visibility. In addition, they can contribute to the world’s destiny during their mandate period. Portugal has exercised his third term as a non-permanent member of the Security Council in 2011-2012 biennium, defeating Canada after a successful campaign carried out by the Portuguese diplomacy. This study analyses the participation of Portugal in the Security Council´s 2011-2012 biennium. It will focus the application process and election and the role of Portugal in the Security Council, especially in its the presidency and its intervention in the presidency of the Sanctions Committee on Libya. Its aim is to show the impact of Portuguese participation in the Security Council for international peace and security, as well as the geopolitical importance for the country of being part of the Security Council.

Democratization as a cost-saving device

We propose a theoretical analysis of democratization processes in which an elite extends the franchise to the poor when threatened with a revolution. The poor could govern without changing the political system by maintaining a continuous revolutionary threat on the elite. Revolutionary threats, however, are costly to the poor and democracy is a superior sys- tem in which political agreement is reached through costless voting. This provides a rationale for democratic transitions that has not been discussed in the literature.

Indigenous people's mobilization and their struggle for rights in Colombia

This text aims at showing the history of indigenous peoples’ mobilization in Colombia, the effects that it has brought about on Colombian democracy and political system, and the state’s reactions to their claims and actions. It will show how they have moved from class-based claims to a politics where identity claims have been central in their agenda and part of their strategies to negotiate with the state. It will also show the existing constitutional and legal framework that recognizes the rights of indigenous peoples, despite the context of persecution, murder, and forced displacement.

In the name of democracy: Disobedience and value-oriented citizenship

Recently, some scholars have highlighted a paradoxical phenomenon existing in democratic systems:Those people who show the greatest support for democracy are also those most willing to protestagainst the authority and to question it. However, if we consider the tasks of contemporary democraticcitizenship in a social-psychological perspective, this apparent paradox becomes understandable.Obedience to authority may ensure the continuity of social and group life, but disobedience may becrucial in stopping the authority relationship from degenerating into an authoritarian one. FollowingKelman and Hamilton's analysis of legitimacy dynamics, we consider how actions of disobediencemay serve the defence of democracy. In particular, by considering the different ways in which peoplerelate to the political system, the relevance of so-called value-oriented citizens in supportingdemocracy will be considered.

Is it redistribution or centralization? On the determinants of government investment in infrastructure

The dilemma efficiency versus equity, together with political partisan interests, has received increasing attention to explain the territorial allocation of investments. However, centralization intended to introduce or reinforce hierarchization in the political system has not been object as of now of empirical analysis. Our main contribution to the literature is providing evidence that meta-political objectives related to the ordering of political power and administration influence regional investment. In this way, we find evidence that network mode’s (roads and railways) investment programs are influenced by the centralization strategy of investing near to the political capital, while investment effort in no-network modes (airports and ports) appears to be positively related to distance. Since investment in surface transportation infrastructures is much higher than that in airports and ports, and taken into account that regions surrounding the political capital are poorer than the average, we suggest that centralization rather than redistribution has been the driver for the concentration of public investment on these regions.

Estudi Interdisciplinari de l'Epigrafia Mallorquina

A partir de les fonts epigràfiques, es fa un estudi interdisciplinari de la vida privada i pública de Mallorca en època romana, tot analitzant-ne el sistema econòmic i polític, la societat, les formes d'expressió cultural, la religió i les creences, la geografia i la topografia, els principals esdeveniments històrics, els jaciments arqueològics, les dades d'interès antropològic i la situació lingüística. El punt de partida és la pregunta següent: quines dades sobre la Mallorca romana es poden obtenir a partir de les fonts epigràfiques? I també: com s'organitzava la societat mallorquina en època romana, quines divinitats eren objecte de culte, amb quines comunitats o pobles tenia relacions comercials, quins rituals funeraris seguia, quina estructura econòmica la gestionava, quina llengua parlava i d'acord amb quin sistema polític es governava.

Playing Second Fiddle: Expert Advice and Decision-Making in Switzerland

This thesis concerns the role of scientific expertise in the decision-making process at the Swiss federal level of government. It aims to understand how institutional and issue-specific factors influence three things: the distribution of access to scientific expertise, its valuation by participants in policy for- mulation, and the consequence(s) its mobilization has on policy politics and design. The theoretical framework developed builds on the assumption that scientific expertise is a strategic resource. In order to effectively mobilize this resource, actors require financial and organizational resources, as well as the conviction that it can advance their instrumental interests within a particular action situation. Institutions of the political system allocate these financial and organizational resources, influence the supply of scientific expertise, and help shape the venue of its deployment. Issue structures, in turn, condition both interaction configurations and the way in which these are anticipated by actors. This affects the perceived utility of expertise mobilization, mediating its consequences. The findings of this study show that the ability to access and control scientific expertise is strongly concentrated in the hands of the federal administration. Civil society actors have weak capacities to mobilize it, and the autonomy of institutionalized advisory bodies is limited. Moreover, the production of scientific expertise is undergoing a process of professionalization which strengthens the position of the federal administration as the (main) mandating agent. Despite increased political polarization and less inclu- sive decision-making, scientific expertise remains anchored in the policy subsystem, rather than being used to legitimate policy through appeals to the wider population. Finally, the structure of a policy problem matters both for expertise mobilization and for the latter's impact on the policy process, be- cause it conditions conflict structures and their anticipation. Structured problems result in a greater overlap between the principal of expertise mobilization and its intended audience, thereby increasing the chance that expertise shapes policy design. Conversely, less structured problems, especially those that involve conflicts about values and goals, reduce the impact of expertise.

La crisi Japonesa dels anys 90 : Formació, causes, evolució i recuperació econòmica

Treball que analitza la crisi japonesa dels anys noranta. Es descriu la formació de l'economia bombolla i el seu esclat, les causes de la crisi, el sistema econòmic i polític japonès i la recuperació econòmica començada l'any 2003.

From Opacity to Transparency? The Place of Organized Interests within the European Institutions

Regulació dels Grup d'interès en la governança europea és crucial per a una comprensió completa de com s'exerceix el poder a la Unió Europea (UE) i per a una descripció més precisa de com funciona el sistema polític de la UE (i dels seus principis subjacents). Un dels temes principals aquí és com els interessos privats o particulars comprometre amb un interès general o públic encarnat en una forma o altra per aquells que actuen per a la UE. Donada la varietat de temes sensibles en joc, no és d'estranyar que la qüestió de la regulació es troba amb una resistència considerable, sobre tot en la Comissió. No obstant això, els recents obstacles a la integració europea han tingut l'efecte de rellançar un debat que fa que l'ètica i la transparència de les peces centrals de l'agenda. Dinàmiques polítiques actuals semblen donar testimoni d'una creixent receptivitat de la UE a les reivindicacions del moviment ALTER-EU que busca un entorn molt més regulat per cabilderos i funcionaris comunitaris.

The Catalan Parliament and the Mediterranean: a preliminary assessment

This study consists of four parts. It begins with an overview of the Spanish political system and how Catalonia fits into it, with an emphasis on Spain’s foreign policy decision-making process (section 1). The following sections cover Catalonia and the Mediterranean (section 2), before concentrating on the Catalan Parliament (section 3). This study then concludes with a summary of the main findings and a set of guidelines for possible future research.

Judges' cognition and market order

We argue that during the crystallization of common and civil law in the 19th century, the optimal degree of discretion in judicial rulemaking, albeit influenced by the comparative advantages of both legislative and judicial rulemaking, was mainly determined by the anti-market biases of the judiciary. The different degrees of judicial discretion adopted in both legal traditions were thus optimally adapted to different circumstances, mainly rooted in the unique, market-friendly, evolutionary transition enjoyed by English common law as opposed to the revolutionary environment of the civil law. On the Continent, constraining judicial discretion was essential for enforcing freedom of contract and establishing a market economy. The ongoing debasement of pro-market fundamentals in both branches of the Western legal system is explained from this perspective as a consequence of increased perceptions of exogenous risks and changes in the political system, which favored the adoption of sharing solutions and removed the cognitive advantage of parliaments and political leaders.

Centralização versus Descentralização na Governação do Sistema Educativo de Cabo Verde: Lógicas em Análise

Nesta dissertação procura-se analisar a problemática da “Centralização versus Descentralização na Governação do Sistema Educativo de Cabo Verde: lógicas em análise” no período compreendido entre (1975 a 2006). Constata-se que Cabo Verde, depois de se tornar um país soberano e independente, assistiu a momentos de grande concentração e de grande centralização na administração do Sistema Educativo. Ao longo deste período assistiuse também a momentos de desconcentração e de ideias de descentralização que culminaram com a abertura do sistema político pluripartidário. Essa abertura abriu a possibilidade de uma nova dinâmica de transformação nos deferentes sectores da administração do sistema educacional. As mudanças políticas verificadas no país, permite-nos conhecer e desocultar as razões, as lógicas e as racionalidades que presidem a manutenção de um sistema centralizado de governação do Sistema Educativo, apesar da presença de forças políticas com diversidades ideológicas. Uma vez conhecido o historial da organização, administração e gestão do Sistema Educativo Cabo-verdiano, a partir de uma retrospectiva histórica, debruçámo-nos sobre as principais teorias que estão na base das perspectivas da centralização e descentralização, e seus conceitos associados enquanto modelo de análise teórica, para tentar perceber este aparente paradoxo. Na parte empírica, a metodologia utilizada apoia-se na abordagem qualitativa de investigação, na qual utilizámos a entrevista, a análise documental e conversas informais, que nos permitiram confirmar ou infirmar a problemática inicialmente formulada. Os dados obtidos dez entrevistados, nomeadamente os responsáveis da política educativa, os administradores do sistema, e os directores dos estabelecimentos de ensino público, levam-nos a tirar várias conclusões sobre um Sistema Educativo centralizado, com uma relativa margem de autonomia. Apesar de encontrarem algumas vantagens no modelo centralizado, a maioria dos entrevistados sublinha a relevância da opção por um modelo descentralizado de governação do Sistema Educativo.

Doctoral education's reform in Switzerland and Norway : a public management analyis

This doctoral thesis examines a recent phenomenon in European higher education, namely the reform of doctoral education. On the basis of a number of case studies, consisting of Swiss and Norwegian doctoral schools, and their institutional, national and international context, it demonstrates to what extent changes appear in doctoral education and its governance. Findings indicate new practices regarding doctoral students' recruitment, curricular component, supervision, scientific exchange, follow-up and their career. Doctoral education's character is not anymore exclusively determined by individual supervisors, but increasingly by interdisciplinary and interinstitutional colleges of academics. Finally, general governance patterns are identified: according to the type of scientific discipline and higher education institution, the institution's size and national political system, the field of higher education is more or less dominated by New Public Management or Network Governance characteristics.