994 resultados para Politica de trabalho
Resumo:
The object theme of the present study is a population of caboclos that absorbed as manual workers in the saw-mills which were mounted in the highland region of Santa Catarina since 1950. The abundance of araucaria (native kind of pine) the opening of markets, and the corroboration of other industrial exploration conditions encouraged a great crowd of small en.- trepreneurs, coming basically from the state of Rio Grande do Sul, to migrate and settle down, building up a lot of saw-mills near rich forests and fields. The saw-mills started aprosperous production of timber sawn in planks. The process of industriali zation was so intensive, the destruction of pine woods soviolent that, in less than three decades, the forests ran out of tree reserves. The caboclos, absorbed as manual workers in production of timber, lived traditionally in an system of subsistense, either from the cultivation of pine the economic their land (planter caboclo) or as labourers in cattle-growing farms (farm hand caboclos). Nevertheless, the 'advantages' that were offered them by the new-comer entrepreneurs (a salary paid in money, a new house in a village, and other favours) helped the great majority of caboclos to abandon their traditional work and enlist as "workmen" in saw-mills. The new job, besides being a novelty, was an opportunity for a change in status. Subsequently, the running out of forests of araucaria and the resultant progressive shut-down of saw-mills caused the crowd of workmen to be out of imployment and to form to form a migratory flood toward the most important town of the region, Lages. The town of Lages, however, having made of the timber i ts main economic support wi thout the implantation of an alternative industry, was unable to offer the migrantssufficient 'work places'. In this way, the 'marginal crowd' began to settle down in the suburbs of the city. This study, in the context of the object theme, analyses two main questions related to the reality 'WOlLQ' and to the economic exploitation forms: ~) the relations of production in the economic regime of subsistence and in the capitalist regime of industrial production with the consequent 'positions' of the workman in the productive processj ~~) the deriving educative effects of the productive process, either in the economic regime of subsistence, or in the capitalist industrial regime. The two questions are theoretically debated andconfro~ ted with the proposed reality, giving origin to conclusions that, in a general formulation, can be summarized as follows: a) the caboclos of the highland region of Santa Catari na, when under an economic regime of subsistence, held in fee the productive processj there was a social division of the work and aclimate of freedom which made possible the development of knowledge from their life and work experience, the production of most of their tools, and the making of necessary manufactures adapted to their own surrounding ditionsi -- - --- other con- ------ b) however, these same caboclos, when absorbed by the capitalist industrial process of production - tipified by the work in saw-mills - lost the control of the productive processj this was caused by the technologic division of the work, since each man began to perform a dull and repeti tive action, directed by the speed of the 'major-saw' j man resigned form his skill and inventive power and surrendered to an executive authority which turned him into a 'collective worker'j the new productive process, besides rnaking each rnan a copy of a pattern, put the caboclos in a situation in which the daily work experiencedidn't add anything in terrns of autogenesis of knowledgei and even the environrnental educative rneans were reduced to new forrns of adaptation to the productive process, relegating rnan's inventive power to inertia.
Resumo:
A evolução de política social no Brasil, gera uma série de políticas setoriais específicas. Em 1964 surge a política Nacional do Bem-Estar do Menor, com nítida função de controle social. Surgem os grandes internatos gerenciados pelo Estado e a questão corretiva assume um papel deslocado ao lado da questão educacional. Como esta política insere-se numa conjuntura arbitrária, sua abrangência permite afetar um contingente expressivo da população brasileira, as crianças e jovens das classes pauperizadas, colocando-as nos internatos. Nos anos oitenta esta política reformu1a seus discursos e práticas, adequando-se formalmente à sociedade de transição política, e introduz a questão do trabalho como diretriz renovadora e mesmo 1ibertária para as ações assistenciais desenvolvidas pelo Estado. A população infanto-juveni1, objeto dos programas e projetos é aquela, que a margem dos programas oficiais de educação, exercem atividades escassamente capitalizadas, habitando em sua maioria o chamado mundo do Rua-longe que significou uma mudança real, a perspectiva deste setor da política social do governo, mantém seu caráter institucionalizado de intervenção e controle, segregando e excluindo estas crianças e jovens do acesso aos bens culturais existentes, mesmo quando os agentes executores desta política, são outras instituições. As principais questões desenvolvidas neste estudo foram organizadas de forma a construir um quadro geral que permita a visão da abrangência da política Nacional do Bem-Estar do Menor enquanto passível de afetar um continente expressivo da população brasileira e um corte nos discursos que fundamentam sua execução. No segundo capítulo, situa-se a questão social mais geral, a inserção do binômio educação/trabalho. Como questão dos anos oitenta e delimita-se o grupo afeto a política estudada. No terceiro capítulo, verifica-se o binômio educação/trabalho absorvido pela política Nacional do Bem-Estar do Menor através da análise do discurso mineiro, funda dor desta "nova" vertente. No quarto capítulo, esta politica & tratada do ponto de vista de seu caráter institucionalizado de intervenção a partir de suas propostas, do discurso do Estado e o controle exercido pelas diversas instâncias. No quinto capítulo temos a transformação destes discursos e propostas em ações concretas experiências que são relatadas e analisadas.
Resumo:
Nesta monografia, especificamente voltada para o caso brasileiro, examinamos a maneira como é encarada a clientela potencial da política urbana (a população atingida), o valor dado ou aceito da sua possível participação na implantação das ações da política (componente ativo, agente), a intensidade dessa participação (nos casos onde existe), e a identificação de critérios diferentes para a elaboração das políticas em distintos níveis hierárquicos da estrutura governamental (União, Estados, Municípios). Dentro do grande tema da participação popular na implementaçao da política urbana brasileira,lo objetivo central da pesquisa foi o de estudar os modos de articulação da política urbana com as estruturas formais organizadas pela população receptora daquela política, e os efeitos concretos que essa articulação provocou nas modalidades de atuação das próprias entidades representativas. Em síntese, o objetivo geral do trabalho é o de estudar o modo específico de articulação da política urbana na Região Metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro, isto é, a conexão entre a política publica e a clientela na fase de implementação, nos seus níveis operacional e informal, mas limitada a população favelada e no período que vai desde a Fusão (1975) até a eleição que levou Brizola a governador (1982).
Resumo:
Este trabalho visa analisar a estrutura de funcionamento do Sistema Eleitoral Brasileiro. Sistema este que - procuro demonstrar - não valoriza os partidos políticos como canais apropriados de interação entre Sociedade e Estado. Desta realidade, é decorrente o fato de existirem, no Brasil, muitos partidos políticos inorgânicos - quanto às ações -, e frágeis - quanto à representatividade. É hipótese básica desta obra o fato de existirem grupos políticos que se beneficiam de práticas nocivas à democracia participativa, via sistema eleitoral. Assim sendo, a realidade auferida nas urnas é distinta da realidade da representação política. O Congresso Nacional, locus que é objeto das maiores distorções, é o meu ponto de referência para este estudo. É a partir deste centro de poder político que se pode vislumbrar o modo de reprodução, em outras esferas de poder, da engenharia institucional existente. A metodologia deste estudo é seccionada em duas partes: . Na parte teórica (capítulos II e III), procuro fazer uma análise comparativa entre as propostas passíveis - a cada item - de adoção, posicionando-me em relação às mesmas. . Na parte prática (capítulo IV), elaboro uma proposta de agenda para reformas no sistema eleitoral, condizentes com o que foi estudado anteriormente.
Resumo:
In a general equilibrium Ramsey type model with heterogeneous agents we study the conditions for which a credit restriction can be a source of endogenous cycle to credit and capital.
Resumo:
The aim of this study is the labour market at Natal Metropolitan Region with emphasis in occupations and incomes that took place at the nineties. The definition of its chronological boundaries passed by verification of existence of evident socio-spatial impacts for output, occupation and income in national economy, with rebounds in all national territory, conditioned by institutional and socio-economical transformations which marked Brazilian insertion to capital flows and commodities globalization movement that took place at the cited decade. It has been shown that such impacts did not distributed themselves equally between diverse spatial levels (great regions, federate unities, municipalities) because of historical specificities in each place in terms of output structures and organization of distinct social agents. Having as its basis the Marxist perspective, it tackled theoretically occupations and incomes, transformations in labour universe occurred at world level, mainly in most urbanized areas, and following that to focus changes occurred in Brazilian society related to the search for competitive insertion in global economy during the period regarded. Special attention was gave to Natal Metropolitan Region, because it was historically a concentration area for investments, productive structure, people, occupations and incomes generated/appropriated in Rio Grande do Norte State. The basic data sources for research were the demographic Census (micro data) made by the Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE) intending to present the structure and the labour market dynamics, having as basis: 1) traditional indicators about labour market; 2) sectors of economic activities and 3) social positions and classes segments. One of the purposes is the demonstration that occupations and incomes keep relation with the restructuring which occurred in each specific sector during the period. Other purpose is to make explicit the factors which bear the participation of distinct segments in production or service execution that make possible the different participation in income distribution. Results are revealing the increasin precariousness in labour market, enlargement of occupations in tertiary sector and greater concentration of average incomes in the social segments which were owners of the greatest capital allowances between residents in Natal Metropolitan Region during the nineties
Resumo:
The present work aims to analyze the several proportional electoral systems from the contemporaries democracies in order to, in the end, purpose a system that better fits to the constitutional Brazilian order. In this direction, we pursued to indicate the main virtues and imperfections in proportional electoral systems in use in more than two hundred countries, especially relating to the positive and negative effects that these systems inject in the party systems, in the governability and in the representativity. In order to collect elements, and also before getting to the work s main point, other issues were approached, even in a shortened way. Nevertheless, in a position taking, we conclude the work opting for a proportional electoral system that potencializes the constitutional principles of representativity and governability as well as prints a party system strong and strict, once these are the depositaries of a democracy compromised with the Brazilian society
Resumo:
This article attempts to identify and analyze the motives that led several sectors of agro-business to engage in the struggle for the eradication of child labor in Brazil, as launched by international organizations for the defense of children's and adolescents' rights. It is our hypothesis that economic globalization and the internationalization of children's rights have given visibility to the problem of child labor, thus demanding the mobilization of entrepreneurial sectors linked to agro-business productive chains in Brazil. The article is divided into four inter-related sections. In the first one, we attempt to provide evidence for the interference of social and labor problems within the ambit of the economic activities of the agro-business sector, within the current context of globalization. This is followed by a study of major UN, UNICEF and ILO investments to internalize children's rights and policies to combat child labor, giving salience to their repercussions in Brazil. In the third section, we analyze strategies adopted by firms linked to agro-business with the purpose of avoiding the use of child labor within their productive chains. Finally, we seek to understand the motivations that have led agro-businessmen to take part in the struggle against child labor. We conclude that firms linked to agro-business took up the project of combating child labor in virtue of the internationalization of children and adolescents' rights, the inclusion of social issues in international markets, the intensification of the fiscalization of public power, the growth of action around entrepreneurial social responsibility and increased consumer consciousness.