Revolução constitucionalista de 32: principais motivações da Frente Única Paulista

This paper aims to analyze the Constitutionalist Movement in 1932, trying to understand, more specifically, the political end sought by the Front Unique Paulista, on a literal translation, union of the political parties of São Paulo (Republican Party Paulista and Democratic Party). The research is motivated by the need to understand the political project of FUP with the movement and the existing motivations why it was articulated. The comprehension of the constitutionalists' reasons is relevant to understanding the history of the revolution, from its origin to its outcome. Based on literature and its historical analysis, the paper will demonstrate that the Front, with the advent of the Constitutionalist Revolution of 1932, had as its main purpose regain political control of the state of São Paulo lost with the revolution of 1930. More than the vaunted concern with the implementation of a new constitution for the nation, the FUP leaders had intended to retrieve the lost power with the movement of 30 and the rise of Getulio Vargas to power. Under a banner to fight for a new constitution and the expected change from a totalitarian and centralized state imposed by Vargas for a more autonomous state, the cause of São Paulo enticed sympathy and support from the community, whose social history always harbored separatist ideas, even that they have never been carried out to its ultimate consequences

Los políticos del progreso. Científicos en el gobierno y en el Partido Progresista (1833-1868)

La organización del Partido Progresista tiene una configuración abierta, que ensaya fórmulas de elecciones primarias y que con contará con dos núcleos: La minoría parlamentaria y una organización que será permanente desde 1846, en la que se distingue la Junta Central y la Comisión Directiva. Entre los políticos de la generación del progreso Francisco de Luxán será el primero de una nómina muy reducida de ministros con formación científico-técnica, y entre los dirigentes del Partido Progresista y de la Unión Liberal será también el único con formación científico-técnica.

Measuring the success of ABC training in South Africa: A case study in the production of Western Liberal broadcast news values

In 1993 the Australian Broadcasting Corporation was contracted by the Australian Government to assist in the reshaping of the South African Broadcasting Corporation from a state-run broadcaster to a respected and trusted national broadcaster for all people in the newly democratic South Africa. Broadcast journalism training was identified by ABC consultant Bob Wurth as possibly the greatest need for SABC Radio. This thesis examines the ABC's role in South Africa and the effectiveness of its radio journalism training project considering the organisational, structural, cultural and political constraints of the SABC. This thesis will show through interviews and participant observation the difficulties in achieving the production of Western Liberal journalism values at the SABC within the time constraints set by the project funded by the Australian Government and the particular South African morays.

Governing depression in Australian legal education : power, psychology and advanced liberal government

Legal educators in Australia have increasingly become concerned with the mental health of law students. The apparent risk posed by legal education to a student’s mental health has led to the deployment of a variety of measures to address these problems. By exploring these measures as productive power relations attempting to shape law students, this paper outlines how this government of depression is achieved, and the potential costs of these power relations. It examines one central Australian text offering advice about how students and law student societies can address depression, and argues that doing so not only involves students adopting particular practices of self-government to shape their legal personae, but also relies on an extension of the power relations of legal education. In addition, this paper will link this advice — which privatises the issue of depression, responsibilises individuals and communities, privileges psychological expertise, and seeks to govern ‘at a distance’ — to broader forms of social administration that presently characterise many Western societies. Doing so allows legal educators to reflect on the effects of their attempts to govern depression, and to consider new ways of altering the power relations of legal education.

Yutori Kyoiku and the uncertainty of recent neo-liberal reforms in Japanese higher education

This paper draws upon the current situation within Japanese Higher Education. In particular the paper focuses on educational reforms and how they relate to the notions of Yutori Kyoiku which constituted a major attempt by Japanese education to develop individual student capacity. A clear subtext of the recent neo-liberal reform agenda is a desire to incorporated free-market ideals into the Japanese educational system. This paper raises several important problems connected to the reforms such as the decrease in classroom hours, changes to the contents of textbooks and a growing discrepancy in academic skills between students in different localities. These education reforms have impacted on notions of Yutori Kyoiku through the continuation of nationally standardized testing and changes directed at controlling the practices of classroom teachers. While acknowledging the current Japanese cabinet’s (DP) education policy has been inherited from an earlier LDP government, the paper points to similarities between the current reforms and the iconic Meiji era reforms of the late 1800s.

(Neo)Liberal doses of inequality : advance Australia where?

The relationship between social background and achievement has preoccupied educational researchers since the mid-20th century with major studies in the area reaching prominence in the late 60s. Despite five decades of research and innovation since, recent studies using OECD data have shown that the relationship is strengthening rather than weakening. In this paper, the systematic destabilisation of public education in Australia is examined as a philosophical problem stemming from a fundamental shift in political orientation, where “choice” and “aspiration” work to promote and disguise survivalism. The problem for education however extends far deeper than the inequity in Federal government funding. Whilst this is a major problem, critical scrutiny must also focus on what states can do to turn back aspects of their own education policy that work to exacerbate and entrench social disadvantage.

Democracy and the Project of Liberal Inclusion

Democracy is a multi-dimensional concept, ranging from definitions based exclusively on institutional frameworks (for example, Held, 2005, Przeworski, Alvarez, Cheibub and Limongi, 2000) to complex and integrated measures that include political and civil rights, democratic practices, values and, finally, a diverse set of institutional arrangements in society, including welfare, education, industrial relations and the legal system (Inglehart and Welzel, 2005, Jaggers and Gurr, 1995, O'Donnell, Cullel and Iazetta, 2004). This reflects the range of and distinction between merely formal electoral democracy and genuinely 'effective liberal democracy' (Inglehart and Welzel, 2005: 149), where democracy is firmly embedded not only in its institutions but in the values of its citizenry. Evidence from cross-national research confirms that formal democratic institutions, different dimensions of effective democracy, and democratic values are indeed strongly linked (Inglehart and Welzel, 2005: 154, Jaggers and Gurr, 1995: 446). Democracy is more than just a set of institutions, rules and mechanisms: it is a set of core values engrained in the 'lived experience' of its citizens. Core values of democracies are individual autonomy and egalitarianism, tolerance of diversity, and freedom from oppression for both individuals and institutions. Democracies restrain their governments by the rule of law and grant its citizens equal access to and equal treatment by legal institutions. Among these institutions, criminal justice and the treatment of those who violated rules and regulations represent sensitive seismographs for the quality of effective democracies, and the ways how democracies realise their core values.

Regulation beyond government: Weber, Foucault and the liberal governance of media content

This paper steps back from the question of how regulation of digital media content occurs, and whether it can be effective, to consider the rationales that inform regulation, and the ethics and practices associated with content regulation. It will be argued that Max Weber's account of bureaucratic expertise remains relevant to such discussions, particularly insofar as it intersects with Michel Foucault's concept of governmentality, and contemporary applications of the notion of 'governing at a distance'. The nature of the challenges to media regulators presented by online environments, and by digital and social media, are considered in depth, but it is argued that the significance of regulatory innovations that respond to such challenges should not be underestimated, nor should the continuing national foundations of media regulation. It will also discuss the relevance of the concept of 'soft law' to contemporary regulatory practice.

Efecto de las frecuencias de pastoreo sobre un pastizal natural con presencia de Lotus tenuis en el partido de Olavarría, provincia de Buenos Aires

Resumen: La Pampa deprimida bonaerense está considerada la zona de cría más importante del país; el 85% de su superficie está cubierta por pastizales naturales, siendo éstos la principal fuente de alimento para la ganadería local. La productividad del pastizal natural, puede ser mejorada aplicando tecnología de procesos, al utilizar pastoreos en forma rotacional, en lugar del usual pastoreo continuo. El objetivo del presente trabajo, es evaluar el efecto en la producción bruta de materia seca del pastizal natural en un ambiente de un bajo dulce, en donde Lolium multiflorum y Lotus tenuis constituyen especies indicadoras, y cuya frecuencia en el tapiz vegetal es alta. Este ensayo se realizó en el establecimiento “El Fortín” ubicado en la Estación Pourtalé (Partido de Olavarría), durante un año, desde Mayo del 2014 hasta Mayo del 2015. Se utilizó un diseño experimental de bloques completamentes aleatorizados (DCBA), con dos tratamientos: frecuencia de 45 días y frecuencia de 90 días. Aleatorizados en tres bloques que corresponden al número de parcelas existentes dentro del potrero. Se realizaron en total 11 muestreos midiendo la producción de materia seca, siendo esta la variable en estudio. El análisis estadístico se realizó mediante un análisis de varianza, utilizando como software el programa Infostat. Los resultados sobre la producción en promedio, sostienen que existen diferencias significativas entre ambos tratamientos: de 45 días y de 90 días. La materia seca acumulada y anualizada, fue de 3306,7kg.MS ha-1 para el tratamiento de 45 días y de 3190,0 kg.MS ha-1 para el tratamiento de 90 días, entre pastoreos sucesivos. Mientras que la producción promedio acumulada entre cortes para cada tratamiento fue de 472,4kg.MS ha-1 para el tratamiento de 45 días y de 797,5 kg.MS ha-1 para el tratamiento de 90 días.

Respuesta a la fertilización fosforada en campo natural con presencia de Lotus tenuis en el partido de Olavarría, Cuenca del Salado, provincia de Buenos Aires

Resumen: La pampa deprimida bonaerense (región denominada Cuenca del Salado) es considerada la zona de cría más importante del país y su principal recurso forrajero son los pastizales naturales. Allí se encuentra Lotus tenuis como especie herbácea naturalizada y muy valorada por su aporte a la oferta forrajera de los sistemas ganaderos de la región. En condiciones de campos naturales en bajos dulces (con horizonte superficial de pH cercano a la neutralidad) el agregado de fósforo mediante la fertilización incrementaría la presencia de leguminosas, mejorando la receptividad y calidad de los forrajes y por ende, la producción de carne. El objetivo del presente trabajo fue evaluar la respuesta del pastizal natural, medida como producción de materia seca, utilizando distintas dosis de fertilización fosforada (NPK 5-40-0). Se realizó un ensayo en un establecimiento ubicado en las cercanías de la ciudad de Olavarría, en el paraje rural Pourtalé, Provincia de Buenos Aires, utilizando un diseño de bloques al azar con tres repeticiones. Los tratamientos fueron 0, 50 y 120 kg.ha-1 realizándose cinco muestreos luego de la fertilización en el transcurso de un año, en los cuales se determinó la producción de materia seca como estimación de la disponibilidad forrajera. La producción acumulada promedio para el tratamiento con 0kg.ha-1 fue de 2793kgMS.ha-1, con 50kg.ha-1 fue de 5159 kgMS.ha-1 y con 120kg.ha-1 fue de 7206 kgMS.ha-1. Para analizar estadísticamente los resultados, se realizó un análisis de varianza mediante un software estadístico (Infostat), donde se pudo observar diferencias significativas entre el testigo y el tratamiento con 120kg ha-1 (p-valor<0,05).

La beneficencia en Lleida durante el trienio liberal

La Guerra de la Independencia generó miseria y ruina, aumentando la pobreza material y el descenso del poder adquisitivo de la población. Fruto de este negativo contexto económico los ayuntamientos solamente pudieron destinar una décima parte de su presupuesto a la beneficencia. Los efectos de la contienda bélica contra Napoleón también afectaron a la Iglesia, institución que tradicionalmente mediante diversos organismos eclesiásticos tuvo que atender las enormes carestías sociales que asolaban al pueblo, como por ejemplo, otorgar limosna, atender a los enfermos en los hospitales, acoger a los huérfanos en los hospicios o educar a los más jóvenes. En el caso de Lleida durante el régimen liberal cabe destacar la organización de diversas juntas de caridad, de sanidad y de beneficencia destinadas a socorrer a los más necesitados.