Assessment and rationalization of genetic diversity of Papua New Guinea taro (Colocasia esculenta) using SSR DNA fingerprinting

Taro (Colocasia esculenta) accessions were collected from 15 provinces of Papua New Guinea (PNG). The collection, totalling 859 accessions was collated for characterization and a core collection of 81 accessions (10%) was established on the basis of characterization data generated on 30 agro-morphological descriptors, and DNA fingerprinting using seven SSR primers. The selection of accessions was based on cluster analysis of the morphological data enabling initial selection of 20% accessions. The 20% sample was then reduced and rationalized to 10% based on molecular data generated by SSR primers. This represents the first national core collection of any species established in PNG based on molecular markers. The core has been integrated with core from other Pacific Island countries, contributing to a Pacific regional core collection, which is conserved in vitro in the South Pacific Regional Germplasm Centre at Fiji. The core collection is a valuable resource for food security of the South Pacific region and is currently being utilized by the breeding programmes of small Pacific Island countries to broaden the genetic base of the crop.

Mile-a-minute (Mikania micrantha): its distribution, growth and physical and socio-economic impacts in Papua New Guinea

Mikania micrantha, Kunth. H.B.K (Asteraceae) or mile-a-minute is a weed of Neotropical origin in 17 Pacific Island countries. It is becoming increasingly regarded as an invasive weed in Papua New Guinea and is now the focus of an Australian Government-funded biological control program. As part of the program, growth rates, distribution and physical and socia-economic impacts were studied to obtain baseline data and to assist with the field release of biological control agents. Through public awareness campaigns and dedicated surveys, mikania has been reported in most lowland provinces. It is particularly widespread in East New Britain and West New Britain Province. In field trials, mikania grew more than 1 metre per month in open sunny areas but slightly slower when growing under cocoa. The weed invades a wide range of land types, impacting on plantations and food gardens, smothering pawpaw, young cocoa, banana, taro, young oil palms and ornamental plants. In socia-economic surveys, mikania was found to have severe impacts on crop production and income generated through reduced yields and high weeding costs. These studies suggest that there would be substantial benefits to the community if biological control of mikania is successful.

Biological control of Mikania micrantha in Papua New Guinea and Fiji using the rust fungus Puccinia spegazzinii

Mikania micrantha Kunth (Asteraceae), commonly known as ‘mile-a-minute’, is a neotropical plant species now found in 17 Pacific island countries and territories, invading small cropping areas and plantations, thereby reducing productivity and food security. In 2006, a biocontrol project on M. micrantha commenced in Fiji and Papua New Guinea (PNG). The distribution of M. micrantha as well as baseline data such as plant growth rates and socio-economic impacts were determined before the importation of any biocontrol agents. Mikania micrantha was recorded in all 15 lowland provinces in PNG and on all major islands in Fiji. Plants grow about 3.2cm/day in PNG and about 1.9cm/day in Fiji. A socio-economic survey, involving over 370 respondents in over 220 villages from 15 provinces in PNG, found that 78% of respondents considered M. micrantha a serious weed and about 44% had M. micrantha, which they needed to weed at least fortnightly, in over a third of their land. Over 80% of respondents used slashing and/or handpulling as the preferred method of weed control. About 40% of respondents considered that M. micrantha reduced crop yield by more than 30%. In Fiji, 52 respondents from four islands participated in the survey. Over 60% of respondents in Fiji considered M. micrantha a serious weed and 23% had about 30% of their farm lands infested with the weed. Only 15% of respondents needed to weed at least fortnightly, with 56% using slashing and/or hand-pulling as the preferred means of control. Over 65% of respondents estimated that they lost at least 30% of potential crop yield to M. micrantha. Nearly 90% of respondents used M. micrantha as a medicinal plant to treat cuts and wounds. The life history of the rust Puccinia spegazzinii de Toni (Pucciniales: Pucciniaceae), originating from Ecuador, and imported into PNG and Fiji in 2008, was studied. P. spegazzinii is a microcyclic and autoecious rust and has a life cycle of 18-22 days. An efficient culturing and field release method was developed. Since 2008, the rust has been released at over 450 sites in 15 provinces in PNG, establishing at nearly 70 sites in four provinces. From some sites, the rust has spread over 7 km in 12 months. In Fiji, the rust has been released at over 80 sites, on four of the main islands, namely Viti Levu, Vanua Levu, Taveuni and Ovalau, and has established at 20 sites on Viti Levu and Vanua Levu. Plant growth studies and field monitoring in PNG showed that P. spegazzinii can significantly reduce the growth and density of M. micrantha and offers great potential for the control of this weed.

Micronesian banana, taro, and other foods: newly recognized sources of provitamin A and other carotenoids

Vitamin A deficiency (VAD) and chronic diseases are serious problems in the Federated States of Micronesia and other Pacific island countries. Nutrition education programs to address these in Micronesia have had limited success, partly due to lack of information on nutrient content in local foods. The study objective was to identify local plant foods rich in provitamin A and other carotenoids that have high levels of cultural acceptability. Food cultivars likely to be carotenoid-rich (suggested by coloration) were identified using an ethnographic approach including key informant interviews. Raw and cooked samples (mostly cultivars previously not analyzed) of 12 banana, 13 giant swamp taro, 10 breadfruit cultivars and four other local foods were analyzed by high-performance liquid chromatography. Many banana and taro cultivars were found with significant levels of beta- and alpha-carotene; the beta-carotene levels ranged from 30 to 2780 mug/100 g (banana) and. 50 to 2040 mug/100 g (taro). The results highlight the potential significance of cultivar differences in human nutrition, important for evaluation of the diet, establishment of locally relevant dietary guidelines, and research on the relationship between diet, health, and disease. These highly acceptable food cultivars could play an important role in VAD and chronic disease prevention programs in the Pacific. (C) 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

La implementación de la trayectoria de desarrollo sostenible por parte de los pequeños estados insulares en desarrollo del Pacífico frente a su condición de vulnerabilidad

La investigación busca determinar el propósito que persiguen los pequeños Estados insulares en desarrollo del Pacífico al adoptar una trayectoria de desarrollo sostenible. Se plantea que la adopción de una trayectoria de desarrollo sostenible es la estrategia por medio de la cual estos Estados buscan hacer frente a su condición de vulnerabilidad; lo cual logran a través del uso de la diplomacia en distintos escenarios multilaterales, con el fin de modificar tanto sus prácticas como las de otros actores.

Tuna research and monitoring in the South Pacific

The island countries of the South Pacific have adopted a regional approach to the development and management of tuna resources, through 2 organizations based in the region - the Forum Fisheries Agency and the South Pacific Commission. Details are given of the Tuna and Billfish Assessment Programme, which involves tropical tunas and albacore.

The development of a serological-based diagnostic test for Dasheen mosaic potyvirus (DsMV)

Dasheen mosaic potyvirus (DsMV) is an important virus affecting taro. The virus has been found wherever taro is grown and infects both the edible and ornamental aroids, causing yield losses of up to 60%. The presence of DsMV, and other viruses,prevents the international movement of taro germplasm between countries. This has a significant negative impact on taro production in many countries due to the inability to access improved taro lines produced in breeding programs. To overcome this problem, sensitive and reliable virus diagnostic tests need to be developed to enable the indexing of taro germplasm. The aim of this study was to generate an antiserum against a recombinant DsMV coat protein (CP) and to develop a serological-based diagnostic test that would detect Pacific Island isolates of the virus. The CP-coding region of 16 DsMV isolates from Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands, French Polynesia, New Caledonia and Vietnam were amplified,cloned and sequenced. The size of the CP-coding region ranged from 939 to 1038 nucleotides and encoded putative proteins ranged from 313 to 346 amino acids, with the molecular mass ranging from 34 to 38 kDa. Analysis ofthe amino acid sequences revealed the presence of several amino acid motifs typically found in potyviruses,including DAG, WCIE/DN, RQ and AFDF. When the amino acid sequences were compared with each other and the DsMV sequences on the database, the maximum variability was21.9%. When the core region ofthe CP was analysed, the maximum variability dropped to 6% indicating most variability was present in the N terminus. Within seven PNG isolates ofDsMV, the maximum variability was 16.9% and 3.9% over the entire CP-coding region and core region, respectively. The sequence ofPNG isolate P1 was most similar to all other sequences. Phylogenetic analysis indicated that almost all isolates grouped according to their provenance. Further, the seven PNG isolates were grouped according to the region within PNG from which they were obtained. Due to the extensive variability over the entire CP-coding region, the core region ofthe CP ofPNG isolate Pl was cloned into a protein expression vector and expressed as a recombinant protein. The protein was purified by chromatography and SDS-PAGE and used as an antigen to generate antiserum in a rabbit. In western blots, the antiserum reacted with bands of approximately 45-47 kDa in extracts from purified DsMV and from known DsMV -infected plants from PNG; no bands were observed using healthy plant extracts. The antiserum was subsequently incorporated into an indirect ELISA. This procedure was found to be very sensitive and detected DsMV in sap diluted at least 1:1,000. Using both western blot and ELISA formats,the antiserum was able to detect a wide range ofDsMV isolates including those from Australia, New Zealand, Fiji, French Polynesia, New Caledonia, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. These plants were verified to be infected with DsMV by RT-PCR. In specificity tests, the antiserum was also found to react with sap from plants infected with SCMV, PRSV-P, PRSV-W, but not with PVY or CMV -infected plants.

Long-term azithromycin for Indigenous children with non-cystic-fibrosis bronchiectasis or chronic suppurative lung disease (Bronchiectasis Intervention Study) : a multicentre, double-blind, randomised controlled trial

Background Indigenous children in high-income countries have a heavy burden of bronchiectasis unrelated to cystic fibrosis. We aimed to establish whether long-term azithromycin reduced pulmonary exacerbations in Indigenous children with non-cystic-fibrosis bronchiectasis or chronic suppurative lung disease. Methods Between Nov 12, 2008, and Dec 23, 2010, we enrolled Indigenous Australian, Maori, and Pacific Island children aged 1—8 years with either bronchiectasis or chronic suppurative lung disease into a multicentre, double-blind, randomised, parallel-group, placebo-controlled trial. Eligible children had had at least one pulmonary exacerbation in the previous 12 months. Children were randomised (1:1 ratio, by computer-generated sequence with permuted block design, stratified by study site and exacerbation frequency [1—2 vs ≥3 episodes in the preceding 12 months]) to receive either azithromycin (30 mg/kg) or placebo once a week for up to 24 months. Allocation concealment was achieved by double-sealed, opaque envelopes; participants, caregivers, and study personnel were masked to assignment until after data analysis. The primary outcome was exacerbation (respiratory episodes treated with antibiotics) rate. Analysis of the primary endpoint was by intention to treat. At enrolment and at their final clinic visits, children had deep nasal swabs collected, which we analysed for antibiotic-resistant bacteria. This study is registered with the Australian New Zealand Clinical Trials Registry; ACTRN12610000383066. Findings 45 children were assigned to azithromycin and 44 to placebo. The study was stopped early for feasibility reasons on Dec 31, 2011, thus children received the intervention for 12—24 months. The mean treatment duration was 20·7 months (SD 5·7), with a total of 902 child-months in the azithromycin group and 875 child-months in the placebo group. Compared with the placebo group, children receiving azithromycin had significantly lower exacerbation rates (incidence rate ratio 0·50; 95% CI 0·35—0·71; p<0·0001). However, children in the azithromycin group developed significantly higher carriage of azithromycin-resistant bacteria (19 of 41, 46%) than those receiving placebo (four of 37, 11%; p=0·002). The most common adverse events were non-pulmonary infections (71 of 112 events in the azithromycin group vs 132 of 209 events in the placebo group) and bronchiectasis-related events (episodes or investigations; 22 of 112 events in the azithromycin group vs 48 of 209 events in the placebo group); however, study drugs were well tolerated with no serious adverse events being attributed to the intervention. Interpretation Once-weekly azithromycin for up to 24 months decreased pulmonary exacerbations in Indigenous children with non-cystic-fibrosis bronchiectasis or chronic suppurative lung disease. However, this strategy was also accompanied by increased carriage of azithromycin-resistant bacteria, the clinical consequences of which are uncertain, and will need careful monitoring and further study.

Lock the gate: Fracking, investor-state dispute settlement, and the Trans-Pacific Partnership

There has been much debate about the relationship between international trade, the environment, biodiversity protection, and climate change.The Obama Administration has pushed such issues into sharp relief, with its advocacy for sweeping international trade agreements, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. There has been much public concern about the impact of the mega-trade deals upon the protection of the environment. In particular, there has been a debate about whether the Trans-Pacific Partnership will promote dirty fracking. Will the Trans-Pacific Partnership transform the Pacific Rim into a Gasland?There has been a particular focus upon investor-state dispute settlement being used by unconventional mining companies. Investor-state dispute settlement is a mechanism which enables foreign investors to seek compensation from national governments at international arbitration tribunals. In her prescient 2009 book, The Expropriation of Environmental Governance, Kyla Tienhaara foresaw the rise of investor-state dispute resolution of environmental matters. She observed:'Over the last decade there has been an explosive increase of cases investment arbitration. This is significant in terms of not only the number of disputes that have arisen and the number of states that have been involved, but also the novel types of dispute that have emerged. Rather than solely involving straightforward incidences of nationalization or breach of contract, modern disputes often revolve around public policy measures and implicate sensitive issues such as access to drinking water, development on sacred indigenous sites and the protection of biodiversity.'In her study, Kyla Tienhaara observed that investment agreements, foreign investment contracts and investment arbitration had significant implications for the protection for the protection of the environment. She concluded that arbitrators have made it clear that they can, and will, award compensation to investors that claim to have been harmed by environmental regulation. She also found that some of the cases suggest that the mere threat of arbitration is sufficient to chill environmental policy development. Tienhaara was equally concerned by the possibility that a government may use the threat of arbitration as an excuse or cover for its failure to improve environmental regulation. In her view, it is evident that arbitrators have expropriated certain fundamental aspects of environmental governance from states. Tienhaara held: As a result, environmental regulation has become riskier, more expensive, and less democratic, especially in developing countries. This article provides a comparative analysis of the battles over fracking, investment, trade, and the environment in a number of key jurisdictions including the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Part 1 focuses upon the United States. Part 2 examines the dispute between the Lone Pine Resources Inc. and the Government of Canada over a fracking moratorium in Quebec. Part 3 charts the rise of the Lock the Gate Alliance in Australia, and its demands for a moratorium in respect of coal seam gas and unconventional mining. Part 4 focuses upon parallel developments in New Zealand. This article concludes that Pacific Rim countries should withdraw from investor-state dispute settlement procedures, because of the threat posed to environmental regulation in respect of air, land, and water.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership: Copyright Law, the Creative Industries, and Internet Freedom

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a highly secretive trade agreement being negotiated between the US and eleven Pacific Rim countries, including Australia. Having obtained a fast-track authority from the United States Congress, US President Barack Obama is keen to finalise the deal. However, he was unable to achieve a resolution of the deal at recent talks in Hawaii on the TPP. A number of chapters of the TPP will affect the creative artists, cultural industries and internet freedom — including the intellectual property chapter, the investment chapter, and the electronic commerce chapter. Legacy copyright industries have pushed for longer and stronger copyright protection throughout the Pacific Rim. In the wake of the Hawaii talks, Knowledge Ecology International leaked the latest version of the intellectual property chapter of the TPP. Jamie Love of Knowledge Ecology International commented upon the leaked text about copyright law: ‘In many sections of the text, the TPP would change global norms, restrict access to knowledge, create significant financial risks for persons using and sharing information, and, in some cases, impose new costs on persons producing new knowledge goods.’ The recent leaked text reveals a philosophical debate about the nature of intellectual property law. There are mixed messages in respect of the treatment of the public domain under copyright law. In one part of the agreement on internet service providers, there is text that says that the parties recognise the need for ‘promoting innovation and creativity,’ ‘facilitating the diffusion of information, knowledge, technology, culture, and the arts’, and ‘foster competition and open and efficient markets.’ A number of countries suggested ‘acknowledging the importance of the public domain.’ The United States and Japan opposed the recognition of the public domain in this text.

Pacific Journalism Review : Twenty years on the front line of regional identity and freedom

Pacific Journalism Review has consistently, at a good standard, honoured its 1994 founding goal: to be a credible peer-reviewed journal in the Asia-Pacific region, probing developments in journalism and media, and supporting journalism education. Global, it considers new media and social movements; ‘regional’, it promotes vernacular media, human freedoms and sustainable development. Asking how it developed, the method for this article was to research the archive, noting authors, subject matter, themes. The article concludes that one answer is the journal’s collegiate approach; hundreds of academics, journalists and others, have been invited to contribute. Second has been the dedication of its one principal editor, Professor David Robie, always somehow providing resources—at Port Moresby, Suva, and now Auckland—with a consistent editorial stance. Eclectic, not partisan, it has nevertheless been vigilant over rights, such as monitoring the Fiji coups d’etat. Watching through a media lens, it follows a ‘Pacific way’, handling hard information through understanding and consensus. It has 237 subscriptions indexed to seven databases. Open source, it receives more than 1000 site visits weekly. With ‘clientele’ mostly in Australia, New Zealand and ‘Oceania’, it extends much further afield. From 1994 to 2014, 701 articles and reviews were published, now more than 24 scholarly articles each year.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

La alianza de estados insulares pequeños y la securitización del cambio climático en la convención marco de Naciones Unidas sobre cambio climático (1992-2012)

La presente monografía busca explicar el proceso de securitización realizado por la AOSIS del cambio climático en las COP de la CMNUCC. Esta investigación defiende que la AOSIS sí ha hecho dicho proceso a través de estrategias como el liderazgo moral y los nexos con actores no-estatales; pero dicho proceso no ha sido exitoso, dado el predominio del discurso del desarrollo sostenible en las negociaciones, el debilitamiento de la AOSIS como actor securitizador y el poco apoyo formal de las potencias emergentes y el bloque UMBRELLA. Para sustentar lo anterior, se realizará una revisión de informes científicos que demuestran que el cambio climático es una amenaza a la seguridad, y un estudio desde de la teoría de securitización de Thierry Balzacq, de los discursos dados por los estados AOSIS, de las COP y de las posiciones de algunos bloques de negociación sobre el cambio climático.