War crimes, conditionality and EU integration in the Western Balkans

The baleful legacy of the wars of the 1990s continues to dog the states and societies of the former Yugoslavia and has overshadowed the disappointingly slow and hesitant trajectory of the region towards the EU. At the start of the new millennium, with the removal of key wartime leaders from the political scene in both Croatia and Serbia, it was widely hoped that the region would prove able to ‘leave the past behind’ and rapidly move on to the hopeful new agenda of EU integration. The EU’s Copenhagen criteria, which in 1993 first explicitly set out the basic political conditions expected of aspirant EU Member States, proved effective in the case of the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe in supporting the entrenchment of democratic norms and practices, and stimulating reconciliation and good neighbourly relations among countries with turbulent histories. Building on this experience, the Stabilisation and Association Process, launched for the countries of the Western Balkans in 1999, included both full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and regional reconciliation among the political conditions set for advancing these countries on the path to EU integration. EU political conditionality was intended to support the efforts of new political leaders to redefine national goals away from the nationalist enmities of the past and focus firmly on forging a path to a better future. This Chaillot Paper examines the extent to which this strategy has worked, especially in the light of the difficulties it has encountered in the face of strong resistance to cooperation among sections of the former Yugoslav population, many of whom have not yet fully acknowledged the crimes committed during the 1990s. Key chapters in the volume raise the vital questions of leadership and political will. EU political conditionality does not work unless the EU has a partner ready and willing to ‘play the game’, which presupposes that EU integration has become the overriding priority on the national political agenda.

The campaign to save Croxteth comprehensive: an ethnographic study of a protest movement

This thesis is based on ethnographic research carried out on a Liverpool protest movement which occurred between November, 1980 and July,1983. The protest movement was waged by residents of the working class community of Croxteth Liverpool who wished to retain their state secondary school, Croxteth Comprehensive. The Liverpool City Council voted in favour of closing Croxteth Comprehensive in January, 1981 because of its declining roles. Residents began theIr campaign as soon as they became aware of intentions to close the school at the end of the previous year. The campaIgn itself went through a number of different phases, distinguishable accordIng to the groups of people involved, the strategy and tactics they employed, the ways in which they justified their campaign, and the goals they pursued. In July of 1982 the organisation which led the protest, the Croxteth Community Action Committee, took illegal possession of the school buildings and ran a pilot summer school project. In September of 1982 they opened the school doors for all secondary pupils on the council estate and began running classes, with the help of volunteer teachers. The school was run successfully in this way for the entire 1982/83 school year. By the end of this period the school was officially reinstated by a new Labour Party majorIty on the city council. This thesis presents a comprehensive account of the entire campaign, from its beginning to end. The campaign is analysed in a number of ways: by situating the closure itself in the economic and political conditions of Liverpool in the 1980s, by examining the relation of Croxteth Comprehensive to its community, by describing the conditions in which different groups of people contributed to the campaign and the changes it went through in its use of tactics, and through a close examination of the activities which took place inside the school during its year of occupation. A number of levels of analysis are used in the study. To explain the closure and the early forms of resistance which developed to oppose it, the structural location of the local government of Liverpool in the late 1970s and early 1980s is described. To explain the relationship of the school to its community, the formation of a group of activists and their leaders, and the resources available to the protestors for pursuing their aims, a single-group model of social action is used. To analyse the establishment of social routines and schooling practices within the school during its occupation, action-theoretica1 models are drawn upon., The chapters of literature review and concept analysis with which this thesis begins link these different levels theoretIcalIy through a model of actIon and its conditions. The theoretical framework employed is reviewed in the last chapter. It is one which could be used to study any social movement, and has applications to other social phenomena as well. Lastly various issues within the sociology of education are examined in light of the events which took place in Croxteth Comprehensive, especially the theory of community education.

A magyar gazdaságpolitika dilemmái = Dilemmas of the Hungarian economic policy

A cikk a magyar gazdaságpolitika dilemmáit helyezi szélesebb közgazdasági perspektívába, a stabilizációs programcsomag intézkedéseiből kiindulva. Elemzi azokat az összefüggéseket, amelyek a posztszocialista átmenet három súlyosan nyomasztó feladata: a külső egyensúly és belső pénzügyi egyensúly javítása, valamint a tartós növekedés feltételeinek megteremtése között állnak fenn. A jelen pillanatban a külső egyensúly jól érzékelhető javítása a legsürgősebb; a rövid távú intézkedéseknek elsősorban ennek a feladatnak a szolgálatában kell állniuk. Sajnálatos, hogy az azonnali intézkedések csomagja mindeddig nem ágyazódott be egy meggyőző közép­ és hosszú távú reformtervbe. A cikk végül a gazdasági stabilizáció politikai feltételeit elemzi, és a társadalmi összefogás és önmérséklet jelentőségét hangsúlyozza. / === / The article examines the dilemmas of the Hungarian economic policy, placing it into a wider economic perspective and setting out from the measures prescribed stabilization program. The author analyses the interrelations among the three gravely distressing tasks of the post­socialist transition: improvement of the external balances and domestic financial equilibrium, and creation of the conditions of sustainable growth. For the moment, a well perceptible improvement of the external equilibrium is the most urgent task; the short­term measures have to serve first of all this purpose. Unfortunately, the package of short­term measures has not yet been embedded into a convincing medium and long­term reform program. Finally, the article analyses the political conditions of economic stabilization and emphasesizes the importance of joining the social forces and of self restraint.

Revaloracion de la comedia de Pedro Munoz Seca: Un teatro menospreciado

The comedies of Pedro Muñoz Seca (1879-1936) received extraordinary public acclaim for over thirty years, yet critics rejected them. Although several experts have recently begun to study his plays in an objective manner, this author has generally either been underrated or omitted from theater histories. This study identifies the merit, contributions and relevance of Muñoz Seca's works so that the unwarranted void that now exists in Spanish theater annals is justly filled. Historical and biographical backgrounds and a brief sketch of the development of comedy in Spain serve to introduce the literary, political and social contexts in which the author develops the subgenre known as "astracán" and introduces the "fresco" character type. ^ This analysis illustrates Muñoz Seca's verbal comic techniques---the use of regional dialects and individuals' speech peculiarities, double entendres, incongruence, periphrasis, and ingenious plays on words. It also explores the author's profound theatrical sense manifested in inter-textual references and self-reflexivity within the content of his plays. In addition, it identifies the scenic creativity he displays through the use of cinematography, the removal of color from stage decor (or the elimination of scenery altogether), and the original application of music to create comic effect. Furthermore, this study comments the satirical tone projected in Muñoz Seca's characters' idiolect and barbarisms as socio-political conditions worsen. Finally, it brings forth the author's use of parody to criticize his society and to deride other theatrical genres in vogue during his time. ^ While the polarization between Muñoz Seca's popular success and the critics' rejection can be explained by esthetic and ideological prejudices, this dissertation ascertains that the true nature of the author's plays has not been properly identified. The "astracán" is a double parody; however, since it caricaturizes a comic subgenre that is already burlesque, its defining parodic features have been consistently misinterpreted as mere exaggerations and defects. What is more, as its critical content is not recognized, its renewing function goes unnoticed. Muñoz Seca's "astracán" illustrates an era of the Spanish comic stage and paves the way for the theater of the absurd. Its merit and relevance must be recognized. ^

Demokracja bezpośrednia a wprowadzenie praw wyborczych dla kobiet. Przykład Szwajcarii

Over the centuries, Switzerland has developed a unique and inimitable statehood that functions in peculiar geographical, social and political conditions, shaped by the tradition of exercising direct forms of power. It appears, however, that these tools of direct democracy can sometimes obstruct the changes of utmost significance for the development of modern statehood and democracy. This was the case of granting voting rights to women. Although many European and other states granted the rights to vote and stand for election to women in the 1920s and 1930s, Switzerland needed much longer to introduce this change: on the federal level, women’s suffrage was granted as late as in 1971, and the last to enjoy the right to partake in the political life of their canton were the women of Appenzell Innerrhoden, granted the right in 1990. The objective of this paper is to analyze the influence of the mechanisms of direct democracy on the introduction of voting rights for Swiss women.

Seeing Turkish state formation processes: Mapping language and education census data

Language provides an interesting lens to look at state-building processes because of its cross-cutting nature. For example, in addition to its symbolic value and appeal, a national language has other roles in the process, including: (a) becoming the primary medium of communication which permits the nation to function efficiently in its political and economic life, (b) promoting social cohesion, allowing the nation to develop a common culture, and (c) forming a primordial basis for self-determination. Moreover, because of its cross-cutting nature, language interventions are rarely isolated activities. Languages are adopted by speakers, taking root in and spreading between communities because they are legitimated by legislation, and then reproduced through institutions like the education and military systems. Pádraig Ó’ Riagáin (1997) makes a case for this observing that “Language policy is formulated, implemented, and accomplishes its results within a complex interrelated set of economic, social, and political processes which include, inter alia, the operation of other non-language state policies” (p. 45). In the Turkish case, its foundational role in the formation of the Turkish nation-state but its linkages to human rights issues raises interesting issues about how socio-cultural practices become reproduced through institutional infrastructure formation. This dissertation is a country-level case study looking at Turkey’s nation-state building process through the lens of its language and education policy development processes with a focus on the early years of the Republic between 1927 and 1970. This project examines how different groups self-identified or were self-identified (as the case may be) in official Turkish statistical publications (e.g., the Turkish annual statistical yearbooks and the population censuses) during that time period when language and ethnicity data was made publicly available. The overarching questions this dissertation explores include: 1.What were the geo-political conditions surrounding the development and influencing the Turkish government’s language and education policies? 2.Are there any observable patterns in the geo-spatial distribution of language, literacy, and education participation rates over time? In what ways, are these traditionally linked variables (language, literacy, education participation) problematic? 3.What do changes in population identifiers, e.g., language and ethnicity, suggest about the government’s approach towards nation-state building through the construction of a civic Turkish identity and institution building? Archival secondary source data was digitized, aggregated by categories relevant to this project at national and provincial levels and over the course of time (primarily between 1927 and 2000). The data was then re-aggregated into values that could be longitudinally compared and then layered on aspatial administrative maps. This dissertation contributes to existing body of social policy literature by taking an interdisciplinary approach in looking at the larger socio-economic contexts in which language and education policies are produced.

Knowledge about sources of dietary fibres and health effects using a validated scale: a cross-country study

Objectives Dietary fibre (DF) is one of the components of diet that strongly contributes to health improvements, particularly on the gastrointestinal system. Hence, this work intended to evaluate the relations between some sociodemographic variables such as age, gender, level of education, living environment or country on the levels of knowledge about dietary fibre (KADF), its sources and its effects on human health, using a validated scale. Study design The present study was a cross-sectional study. Methods A methodological study was conducted with 6010 participants, residing in 10 countries from different continents (Europe, America, Africa). The instrument was a questionnaire of self-response, aimed at collecting information on knowledge about food fibres. The instrument was used to validate a scale (KADF) which model was used in the present work to identify the best predictors of knowledge. The statistical tools used were as follows: basic descriptive statistics, decision trees, inferential analysis (t-test for independent samples with Levene test and one-way ANOVA with multiple comparisons post hoc tests). Results The results showed that the best predictor for the three types of knowledge evaluated (about DF, about its sources and about its effects on human health) was always the country, meaning that the social, cultural and/or political conditions greatly determine the level of knowledge. On the other hand, the tests also showed that statistically significant differences were encountered regarding the three types of knowledge for all sociodemographic variables evaluated: age, gender, level of education, living environment and country. Conclusions The results showed that to improve the level of knowledge the actions planned should not be delineated in general as to reach all sectors of the populations, and that in addressing different people, different methodologies must be designed so as to provide an effective health education.

Europeanization beyond the EU: The case of Georgia.

320 p.

Ad majorem dei gloriam- Espace de dieu et domaine des hommes, analyse des missions jesuites du paracuaria (1610 – 1767) a partir de l’archeologie phenomenologique, cas d’étude Nuestra Señora de Loreto (i et ii) et San Ignacio Mini (i et ii)

Méthodologie: Modèle interprétatif de l’archéologie phénoménologique.

Letters on Turkey: an account of the religious, political, social, and commercial conditions of the Ottoman empire;

Mode of access: Internet.

The Russian empire of to-day and yesterday; the country and its peoples, together with a brief review of its history, past and present, and a survey of its social, political, and economic conditions,

Bibliography: p. 477-480.

United States Housing Act of 1936 : Hearings before the Committee on Education and Labor, United States Senate, Seventy-fourth Congress, second session, on S. 4424, a bill to provide financial assistance to the states and political subdivisions thereof for the elimination of unsafe and insanitary housing conditions, for the development of decent, safe, and sanitary dwellings for families of low income, and for the reduction of unemployment and the stimulation of business activity, to create a United States Housing Authority, and for other purposes. April 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, and 29, 1936.

David I. Walsh, chairman.

Age-period-cohort effects in the incidence of hip fractures: political and economic events are coincident with changes in risk

Introduction: Healthcare improvements have allowed prevention but have also increased life expectancy, resulting in more people being at risk. Our aim was to analyse the separate effects of age, period and cohort on incidence rates by sex in Portugal, 2000–2008. Methods: From the National Hospital Discharge Register, we selected admissions (aged ≥49 years) with hip fractures (ICD9-CM, codes 820.x) caused by low/moderate trauma (falls from standing height or less), readmissions and bone cancer cases. We calculated person-years at risk using population data from Statistics Portugal. To identify period and cohort effects for all ages, we used an age–period–cohort model (1-year intervals) followed by generalised additive models with a negative binomial distribution of the observed incidence rates of hip fractures. Results: There were 77,083 hospital admissions (77.4 % women). Incidence rates increased exponentially with age for both sexes (age effect). Incidence rates fell after 2004 for women and were random for men (period effect). There was a general cohort effect similar in both sexes; risk of hip fracture altered from an increasing trend for those born before 1930 to a decreasing trend following that year. Risk alterations (not statistically significant) coincident with major political and economic change in the history of Portugal were observed around birth cohorts 1920 (stable–increasing), 1940 (decreasing–increasing) and 1950 (increasing–decreasing only among women). Conclusions: Hip fracture risk was higher for those born during major economically/politically unstable periods. Although bone quality reflects lifetime exposure, conditions at birth may determine future risk for hip fractures.