Militia General Orders, December 2, 1814.

Colley Lyons Lucas Foster (1778-1843) was a militia officer who served in England, Ireland, Jamaica and Upper Canada. He served as aide-de-camp to Lieutenant-General Gordon Drummond in Ireland, and in 1813 accompanied Drummond to his new post in Upper Canada. In February of 1814, Foster was appointed Adjutant General of the Upper Canadian militia. After the war, Foster resigned from his position and moved to Quebec. In 1816, he became Assistant Adjutant General to the regular forces in Upper Canada and remained in this position until his death in 1843. During the rebellion in Upper Canada in 1837, Foster was instrumental in organizing a guard composed of citizens of Toronto. When Sir Francis Bond Head, Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, resigned his post in January 1838, Foster commanded both the militia and regular forces in Upper Canada until the arrival of Major-General Sir George Arthur in March of 1838.

Lessons in english literature with a short dictionary of bristish, iris, and american autors

UANL

Regional Specialization in Communal Agriculture: The Shakers, 1850- 1880

When the Shakers established communal farms in the Ohio Valley, they encountered a new agricultural environment that was substantially different from the familiar soils, climates, and markets of New England and the Hudson Valley. The ways in which their response to these new conditions differed by region has not been well documented. We examine patterns of specialization among the Shakers using the manuscript schedules of the federal Agricultural Censuses from 1850 through 1880. For each Shaker unit, we also recorded a random sample of five farms in the same township (or all available farms if there were fewer than five). The sample of neighboring farms included 75 in 1850, 70 in the next two census years, and 66 in 1880. A Herfindahl-type index suggested that, although the level of specialization was less among the Shakers than their neighbors, trends in specialization by the Shakers and their neighbors were remarkably similar when considered by region. Both Eastern and Western Shakers were more heavily committed to dairy and produce than were their neighbors, while Western Shakers produced more grains than did Eastern Shakers, a pattern imitated in nearby family farms. Livestock and related production was far more important to the Eastern Shakers than to the Western Shakers, again similar to patterns in the census returns from other farms. We conclude that, despite the obvious scale and organizational differences, Shaker production decisions were based on the same comparative advantages that determined production decisions of family farms.

Productivity of a Commune: The Shakers, 1850-80

How does the productivity of a commune compare with that of a conventional firm? This paper addresses this question quantitatively by focusing on the history of a religious commune called the United Society of Believers, better known as the Shakers. We utilize the information recorded in the enumeration schedules of the US Manufacturing and Agriculture Censuses, available for the period between 1850 to 1880, to estimate the productivities of Shaker shops and farms. From the same data source, we also construct random samples of other shops and farms and estimate their productivities for comparison with the Shakers. Our results provide support to the contention that communes need not always suffer from reduced productivity. Shaker farms and shops generally performed just as productively as their neighbors; when differences did exist between their productivities, there are good reasons to attribute them to factors other than organizational form.

Productivity and Market Integration in American Communal Dairying, 1830-1875

In our late twentieth century experience, survival of an economy seems critically dependent on well established rights to private property and a return to labor that rewards greater effort. But that need not be so. History provides examples of micro-socialist economies that internally, at least, allow for little private property for participants and a constant return to labor that is independent of effort. Some such economies may even be termed 'successful,' if success is taken to mean survival over several generations. If these communities survived without conditions that are generally thought to be necessary for success, a question worth asking is how this occurred, for we can then shed some light on what really is necessary for economic survival. Addressing this issue emphasizes the critical role of time, for even if the microsocialist economies that we study here eventually became the merest shadow of their former selves, the fact that they did flourish for so long makes them a valuable counterexample, and hence, a phenomenon in need of explanation. We consider here the dairy industry of the Shakers, which was characterized by intensive efforts to increase productivity, in part through the use of market signals, but efforts that were also limited by the ideological goals of the community. The Shakers were (and are, but since it is the historical Shakers that concern this paper, the past tense will be used) a Christian communal group. Some of their distinctive beliefs included the existence of a male and female Godhead, from which followed sexual equality, and active communication between Believers (a Shaker term for members of the sect) and denizens of the spirit world. Practices of the Society (their official name is the United Society of Believers in Christ's Second Appearing, the second appearing being in the body of their foundress, an illiterate Englishwoman named Ann Lee) included pacifism, celibacy, confession of sins to elders, and joint or communal ownership of the Society's assets. Each Shaker received the same return for his or her labor: room, board, clothing, and the experience of divine proximity in a community of like minded Believers (Stein 1992).

Responding to Price Signals in Communal Agriculture: Shaker Hog Production, 1788-1850

Isolated Shaker communal farms stressed self-sufficiency as an ideal but carefully chose which goods to buy and sell in external markets and which to produce and consume themselves. We use records of hog slaughter weights to investigate the extent to which the Shakers incorporated market-based price information in determining production levels of a consumption good which they did not sell in external markets: pork. Granger causality tests indicate that Shaker pork production decisions were influenced as hypothesized, strongly by corn prices and weakly by pork prices. We infer that attention to opportunity costs of goods that they produced and consumed themselves was a likely factor aiding the longevity of Shaker communal societies.

Description and chemical composition of manganese deposits during the deep-sea expedition of the streamer Valdivia in 1898-1899

This monograph forms the fourth part of the tenth volume of the scientific results of the voyage of the German exploring ship Valdivia in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans, made during the years 1898-1899. These volumes are published under the editorship of Prof. Chun, the zoologist of Leipzig, who was leader of the expedition ; and Prof. E. Philippi with the cooperation of Sir John Murray. The nature of the materials brought up at various points during the voyage is well illustrated by a series of plates, similar to those accompanying the Challenger volumes. Among the concretions from the Agulhas Bank were found phosphatic nodules containing 33 per cent, of calcium carbonate, 28 of calcium phosphate, 14.6 of calcium sulphate, and 4.8 of magnesium carbonate, with some ferric oxide, alumina, and silica. These nodules were dredged at a depth of 155 metres. Off the coast of Namibia, a large quantity of manganese nodules were also dredged. Their chemical analysis performed at the Mineralogical Institute of the University Jena show similar composition as the nodules recovered by the "Challenger" at station 253 in the Pacific Ocean.

Geochemistry of manganese nodules from a British Columbia fjord

Concretions of iron and manganese oxides and hydrous oxidesóobjects commonly called manganese nodulesóare widely distributed not only on the deep-sea floor but also in shallow marine environments1. Such concretions were not known to occur north of Cape Mendocino in the shallow water zones bordering the North-East Pacific Ocean until the summer of 1966 when they were recovered by one of us (J. W. M.) in dredge samples from Jervis Inlet, a fjord approximately 50 miles north-west of Vancouver, British Columbia.

Benthic foraminifera in Neogene laminated diatom ooze of ODP Hole 138-844C

Several widely correlatable intervals of laminated Thalassiothrix diatom mat deposits occur in Neogene sediments recovered from the eastern equatorial Pacific Ocean. The presence of laminated sediments in extensive areas of the deep open ocean floor raises fundamental questions concerning the cause of preservation of the laminations and the nature of the benthic environment during episodes of mat deposition. Traditional explanations for the preservation of laminations have centered on restriction of dissolved oxygen. Studies of benthic foraminifers through the laminated intervals show no evidence for an increase in absolute or relative abundance of species characteristic of a low oxygen environment, but rather a decrease in relative abundance of infaunal forms attesting to the impenetrability of the diatom meshwork formed by the interlocking Thalassiothrix frustules. These results support evidence from coring of the high tensile strength of the Thalassiothrix laminations suggesting that the diatom meshwork was of sufficient tensile strength and impenetrability to suppress infaunal benthic activity. Comparison of the relative abundances of foraminifers in the enclosing ôbackgroundö sediment of foraminifer nannofossil ooze and the laminated diatom oozes shows that some epifaunal species (e.g., Cibicides spp.) increase in relative abundance within the laminated sediment, whereas others (e.g., Epistominella exigua) show a marked decrease in relative abundance. Other species show more complex changes in abundance related to the occurrence of the laminated sediments, which may indicate a combination of controls that include the physical nature of the substrate and the amount of organic flux.

Benthic foraminiferal communities at DSDP Sites 94-609 to 94-611

Benthic foraminiferal assemblages from northeast Atlantic DSDP Sites 609, 610, and 611 have been interpreted with reference to modern assemblages known to be linked with the overlying bottom-water masses. It is shown that the water masses in the late Miocene to Pleistocene were similar to those of today. The distribution of the water masses changed with time, however. Antarctic Bottom Water ("AABW"), which at present is restricted to the area south of the Azores, reached as far north as the Gibbs Fracture Zone in the early Pliocene. Increased production of North Atlantic Deep Water in the late Pliocene displaced the AABW to the south

(page 43), Geochemical composition of a phosphatic manganese nodule from Blake Plateau

Mr. John Murray, to whom the specimens of bottom deposits collected by the "Blake" were sent for examination, looked over the whole and selected some typical specimens. These have been described in detail, and he has added some general notes on the specimens characteristic, 1. of the Coast between the Gulf of Maine and Cape Hatteras; 2. of thee coast between Cape Hatteras and Lat. 31? 48' N.; 3. of the coasts around the greater and lesser Antilles ; and, finally, of the Gulf of Mexico and Straits of Florida.