981 resultados para Multinational peace-keeping force


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Objectives Melanoma of the skin is the third most commonly diagnosed cancer in Australia. Given the high incidence of sunburn in children and the level of sun protection provided by parents is often infrequent and/or insufficient, this research employed qualitative methodology to examine parents' beliefs about their young child's sun safe behaviour. Methods Parents (N = 21; n = 14 mothers, n = 7 fathers) of children aged 2–5 years participated in focus groups to identify commonly held beliefs about their decision to sun protect their child. Data were analysed using thematic content analysis. Results Parents generally had knowledge of the broad sun safe recommendations; however, the specific details of the recommendations were not always known. Parents reported adopting a range of sun-protective measures for their child, which depended on the time of year. A range of advantages (e.g. reducing the risk of skin cancer, developing good habits early and parental peace of mind), disadvantages (e.g. false sense of safety and preventing vitamin D absorption), barriers (e.g. child refusal) and facilitators (e.g. routine and accessibility) to performing sun safe practices were identified. Normative pressures and expectations also affected parents' motivation to be sun safe for their child. Conclusions These identified beliefs can be used to inform interventions to improve sun safe behaviours in young children who reside in a region that has the highest skin cancer incidence in the world.

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The assembly and disassembly of RecA-DNA nucleoprotein filaments on double-stranded DNA (dsDNA) or single-stranded DNA (ssDNA) are important steps for homologous recombination and DNA repair. The assembly and disassembly of the nucleoprotein filaments are sensitive to the reaction conditions. In this work, we investigated different morphologies of the formed nucleoprotein filaments at low temperature under different solution conditions by atomic force microscopy (AFM). We found that low temperature and long keeping time could induce the incomplete disassembly of the formed nucleoprotein filaments.

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The precise rationale for, and timing of, the Northern Ireland peace process of the 1990s and beyond, which developed after more than two decades of conflict, has yet to be fully explained. It has been a common assumption that it arose from a stalemate involving the Irish Republican Army (IRA), the 'regular' pro-state forces of the British Army and Royal Ulster Constabulary and the 'irregular/ultra' pro-state loyalist paramilitary groups of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and Ulster Defence Association (UDA). Under this interpretation, military/paramilitary deadlock led to ripeness for peace, amid reappraisals by all parties to the conflict of the utility of violence accompanied by reinterpretations of earlier political orthodoxies. The IRA could not remove the British sovereign claim to Northern Ireland; British forces could not militarily defeat the IRA and loyalists and republicans were engaged in a futile inter-communal sectarian war. This stalemate thesis has obvious attraction in explaining why a seemingly intractable war finally subsided, but is less convincing when subject to empirical testing among republican and loyalist participants in the conflict. This article moves away from 'top-down' generalist narratives of the onset of peace, which tend to argue the stalemate thesis, to assess 'bottom-up' interpretations from the actual combatants as to why they ceased fighting. It suggests an asymmetry, rather than mutuality, of perception that there was 'military' cessation by the armed non-state groups, with neither republican nor loyalist interpretations grounded in notions of stalemate. The article concludes by urging a wider consideration of the important and persistent interplay of the military and political in conflicts such as Northern Ireland.

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The Northern Ireland peace process is often eulogized as a successful model of conflict transformation. Although the process exhibited many of the problems that beset other societies seeking to move from conflict to a negotiated peace (including disagreements over the functioning of institutions and the meanings of cultural symbols, unresolved issues relating to the effects of political violence on victims and survivors and society at large; and the residual presence of violent and political ‘spoiler’ groups), the resilience of political dialogue has proven remarkable.
This collection revisits the promise of ‘a truly historic opportunity for a new beginning’ a decade and a half on from the signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement in 1998. The book will bring together academics from across a number of disciplines, including management and organizational behaviour, law, politics, sociology, archaeology and literature.

The different contributions aim to assess what impact it has made in the legal, policy, and institutional areas it specifically targeted: political reform, human rights and equality provision, working through legacies of the past (including police reform, prisoner release and victims' rights) and the building of new relationships within the island of Ireland and between Ireland and Britain. With the emergence of first-time voters who had no direct experience of the violence the book explores what the Agreement offers for future generations.

The book is the culmination of a 12-month research project sponsored by the British Academy and Leverhulme that addressed the following aspects of the peace process:
Peace walls: The euphemistically named peace walls remain one of the most visible reminders of Northern Ireland’s divisions and they are famously the only material manifestations of the conflict that have grown in number and extent since the 1998 Agreement. They were originally placed between antagonistic neighbouring communities – often at their request – at times of heightened tensions. Research under this theme explored the lack of ongoing engagement with their continuing presences, evolving meanings and impact on the communities that reside beside them needs to be overtly addressed.
Cultural division: Cultural differences have often been seen as lying at the heart of the ‘Irish problem’. Despite this, art and artists have increasingly been seen as having the potential to develop new discourses. Research explored the following questions: What role can the arts play in re-imagining the spaces opened up by the promises of the 1998 Agreement? What implication does the confrontation with the legacies of conflict have for artistic practices? What impact do the arts have on constructions of identity, on narratives of history, and on electoral politics?
Institutional transformation: This strand of research explored the significance of the process of organizational change which followed the establishment of the 1998 on political and other public policy institutions such as the police and prison services. It suggested that the experience and lessons learned from such periods of transition have much to contribute to how Northern Ireland begins to address political polarization in other areas of public service infrastructure, chiefly around the sectarian monoliths of education and housing.
Working through the past: ‘Legacy’ issues have gained increasing prominence since 1998: issues to do with public symbolism (particularly relating to the flying of flags and parading), defining victimhood, securing victims’ rights, recovery of the ‘disappeared’, reintegrating ex- prisoners back into society, and the possibilities for truth recovery and reconciliation have all acquired salient and emotive force. Although the 1998 Agreement promised to ‘honour the dead’ through a ‘new beginning’, it is increasingly unclear as to whether an agreed narrative about the past is possible – or even worthwhile pursuing. Research under this theme looked at the complex relationship between memory, commemoration and violence; how commemorative events are performed, organized, policed and represented. It also addressed the fraught issue of how to come to terms with Northern Ireland’s divided and bloodied past.

The editors are in the process of guiding contributors to adapt their papers, which were presented to a series of workshops on the above themes, to the purposes of the book. In particular, the contributors will be guided to focus on the related aims of assessing the extent of change that has occurred and providing an assessment of what remains to be done. To that end, contributors are asked to engage directly with the questions that close the ‘Introduction’, namely: To what extent has the ‘promise’ of the 1998 Agreement been fulfilled? To what extent has the 1998 Agreement given rise to forms of exclusion? To what extent has the 1998 Agreement shaped new forms of debate, dispute and engagement? In the absence of that guidance having been sent out yet, the outlines below are, for the time being, the abstracts of their original papers.

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L’autorisation de recourir à la force est une pratique par laquelle le Conseil de sécurité permet à des États membres des Nations Unies ou à des accords ou organismes régionaux, voire au Secrétaire général des Nations Unies de recourir à la coercition militaire. Elle est l’une des circonstances excluant l’illicéité face à l’interdiction de recourir à la force dans les relations internationales dont la règle est posée à l’article 2,§ 4 de la Charte des Nations Unies. Il est évident que cette pratique ne correspond pas clairement à la lettre de la Charte mais elle tire sa légitimité du fait qu’elle permet au Conseil de sécurité de s’acquitter de sa mission principale de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales, étant donné que le système de coercition militaire prévu par la Charte s’avère inapplicable dans la pratique. Il reste que cette pratique est empreinte d’ambiguïté : elle apparaît tantôt comme une intervention des Nations Unies, tantôt comme une action unilatérale au profit de certaines puissances capables de mener des opérations de grande envergure. Cette ambiguïté est encore exacerbée par le problème de l’autorisation présumée que certainsÉtats pourraient déduire des actes du Conseil de sécurité, pour intervenir dans divers conflits. Dans les faits, la pratique de l’autorisation de recourir à la force semble actualiser une tendance belliciste qui caractérisait les époques antérieures. Elle peut, si l’on n’y prend garde, refondre, par pans entiers, les legs du droit contre la guerre (jus contra bellum) issu du XXème siècle, droit qui a été le fruit de longues tribulations dans l’histoire des relations internationales. Le danger le plus grave est que des acquis chèrement négociés risquent d’être jetés par-dessus bord avec trop de facilité et sans délai, pour servir des visées à court terme.

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Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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Expansion of rubber tree plantations and agricultural mechanization caused a decline of swamp buffalo numbers in the Naban River National Nature Reserve (NRNNR), Yunnan Province, China. We analysed current use of buffaloes for field work and the recent development of the regional buffalo population, based on interviews with 184 farmers in 2007/2008 and discussions with 62 buffalo keepers in 2009. Three types of NRNNR farms were distinguished, differing mainly in altitude, area under rubber, and involvement in livestock husbandry. While pig based farms (PB; n=37) have abandoned buffalo keeping, 11% of the rubber based farms (RB; n=71) and 100% of the livestock-corn based farms (LB; n=76) kept buffaloes in 2008. Herd size was 2.5 +/-1.80 (n=84) buffaloes in early 2008 and 2.2 +/-1.69 (n=62) in 2009. Field work on own land was the main reason for keeping buffaloes (87.3 %), but lending work buffaloes to neighbours (79.0%) was also important. Other purposes were transport of goods (16.1%), buffalo trade (11.3%) and meat consumption (6.4%). Buffalo care required 6.2 +/-3.00 working hours daily, while annual working time of a buffalo was 294 +/-216.6 hours. The area ploughed with buffaloes remained constant during the past 10 years despite an expansion of land cropped per farm. Although further replacement of buffaloes by tractors occurs rapidly, buffaloes still provide cheap work force and buffer risks on poor NRNNR farms. Appropriate advice is needed for improved breeding management to increase the efficiency of buffalo husbandry and provide better opportunities for buffalo meat sale in the region.

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La Misión de Estabilización de las Naciones Unidas en Haití -MINUSTAHes la primera intervención en la historia de las operaciones de paz en la cual la participación latinoamericana fue fruto de una concertación política de los gobiernos de la región. El desafío de la operación de paz es por un lado, la reconstrucción de un Estado, y por otro, demostrar la capacidad de los países latinoamericanos para manejar este tipo de conflictos.En el presente trabajo se analizan las operaciones para el mantenimiento de la paz de las Naciones Unidas en Haití,1 se evalúan las capacidades, los recursos y mecanismos políticos que disponen los organismos multilaterales y los gobiernos para manejar y responder a dicho conflicto en forma efectiva.Este trabajo no tiene la finalidad de investigar los eventos que han determinado la intervención de 2004, más bien la finalidad del presente trabajo es analizar las intervenciones de las operaciones para el mantenimiento de la paz de las Naciones Unidas en Haití, la Misión de las Naciones Unidas en Haití (UNMIH), de septiembre de 1993 a junio de 1996; la Misión de Apoyo de las Naciones Unidas en Haití (UNSMIH), de julio de 1996 a julio de 1997; la Misión de Transición de las Naciones Unidas en Haití (UNTMIH), de agosto a noviembre de 1997, y la Misión de Policía Civil de las Naciones Unidas en Haití (MIPONUH), de diciembre de 1997 a marzo de 2000; intervención de la Fuerza Interina Multinacional (FIM) entre marzo y junio de 2004, y particularmente la Misión de Estabilización de las Naciones Unidas en Haití (MINUSTAH) que reemplazó la anterior y que a la fecha continúa en Haití.-----The MINUSTAH mission is the first intervention in the history of peace operations where the Latin American involvement resulted from a political agreement among the region governments. The peace operation challenge is, on the one hand, the reconstruction of a State and, on the other hand, demonstrating the ability of Latin American countries for handling this type of conflicts.This paper analyzes UN peacekeeping operations in Haiti,2 evaluates the abilities, the resources, and the political mechanisms available to multilateral bodies and governments for handling and addressing such conflict on an effective way. The purpose of this paper is not investigating the events that determined the intervention in 2004. Rather, its purpose is to analyze the interventions of the UN peacekeeping operations in Haiti, –UN Mission in Haiti (UNMIH), from September 1993 to June 1996; UN Support Mission in Haiti (UNSMIH), from July 1996 to July 1997; UN Transition Mission in Haiti (UNTMIH), from August to November 1997; and UN Civilian Police Mission in Haiti (MIPONUH), from December 1997 to March 2000;– the intervention of the Multinational Force (MNF) between March and June 2004, and particularly the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) that replaced the latter and remains in Haiti.

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Este estudio de caso se realiza con el ánimo de analizar la cooperación militar existente entre Estados Unidos y Egipto durante el periodo de 2002 a 2008. De esta manera, se busca conocer la incidencia que dicha cooperación tuvo en la seguridad fronteriza de Egipto e Israel. Para tal fin a lo largo del trabajo se procederá a exponer los principales aspectos del programa de cooperación analizado, se identificaran las principales amenazas a la seguridad fronteriza de Egipto y de Israel y se describirán las principales acciones que en el marco de dicho programa de cooperación militar se han tomado para hacerles frente a estas.

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The assumption that the most important aim of war is to create a better peace than existed before the war, i.e. a peace with justice, was self-evident for writers prior to Clausewitz. This does not mean that princes saw this as their priority, but theoreticians did. This changed dramatically with the Napoleonic Wars: Clausewitz initiated an era where writers on strategy paid no heed to what would come after military victory, now seen as the be-all and end-all of war. Terrible consequences flowed from this, and a series of ephemeral victories leading to new wars. It was only around the Second World War, to some in itself the consequence of this obsession with victory and not with peace, that it began to dawn on writers that peace, not military victory must be the ultimate aim to be kept in sight.

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Laws of war have been carefully defined by individual nations’ own codes of law as well as by supranational bodies. Yet the international scene has seen an increasing movement away from traditionally declared war toward multinational peacekeeping missions geared at containing local conflicts when perceived as potential threats to their respective regions’ political stability. While individual nations’ laws governing warfare presuppose national sovereignty, the multinational nature of peacekeeping scenarios can blur the lines of command structures, soldiers’ national loyalties, occupational jurisdiction, and raise profound questions as to which countries’ moral sense/governmental system is to be the one upheld. Historically increasingly complex international relations have driven increasingly detailed internationally drafted guidelines for countries’ interactions while at war, yet there are operational, legislative, and moral issues arising in multinational peacekeeping situations which these laws do not address at all. The author analyzes three unique peacekeeping operations in light of these legislative voids and suggests systematic points to consider to the end of protecting the peacekeepers, the national interests of the countries involved, operational matters, and clearly delineating both the objective and logical boundaries of a given multinational peacekeeping mission.

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Objective: This study evaluated the success in attaining non-HDL-cholesterol (non-HDL-C) goals in the multinational L-TAP 2 study. Methods: 9955 patients >= 20 years of age with dyslipidemia on stable lipid-lowering therapy were enrolled from nine countries. Results: Success rates for non-HDL-C goals were 86% in low, 70% in moderate, and 52% in high-risk patients (63% overall). In patients with triglycerides of >200 mg/dL success rates for non-HDL-C goals were 35% vs. 69% in those with <= 200 mg/dL (p < 0.0001). Among patients attaining their LDL-C goal, 18% did not attain their non-HDL-C goal. In those with coronary disease and at least two risk factors, only 34% and 30% attained respectively their non-HDL-C and LDL-C goals. Rates of failure in attaining both LDL-C and non-HDL-C goals were highest in Latin America. Conclusions: Non-HDL-C goal attainment lagged behind LDL-C goal attainment; this gap was greatest in higher-risk patients. (c) 2012 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.

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We use a conceptual model to investigate how randomly varying building heights within a city affect the atmospheric drag forces and the aerodynamic roughness length of the city. The model is based on the assumptions regarding wake spreading and mutual sheltering effects proposed by Raupach (Boundary-Layer Meteorol 60:375-395, 1992). It is applied both to canopies having uniform building heights and to those having the same building density and mean height, but with variability about the mean. For each simulated urban area, a correction is determined, due to height variability, to the shear stress predicted for the uniform building height case. It is found that u (*)/u (*R) , where u (*) is the friction velocity and u (*R) is the friction velocity from the uniform building height case, is expressed well as an algebraic function of lambda and sigma (h) /h (m) , where lambda is the frontal area index, sigma (h) is the standard deviation of the building height, and h (m) is the mean building height. The simulations also resulted in a simple algebraic relation for z (0)/z (0R) as a function of lambda and sigma (h) /h (m) , where z (0) is the aerodynamic roughness length and z (0R) is z (0) found from the original Raupach formulation for a uniform canopy. Model results are in keeping with those of several previous studies.

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Ligament balancing in total knee arthroplasty may have an important influence on joint stability and prosthesis lifetime. In order to provide quantitative information and assistance during ligament balancing, a device that intraoperatively measures knee joint forces and moments was developed. Its performance and surgical advantages were evaluated on six cadaver specimens mounted on a knee joint loading apparatus allowing unconstrained knee motion as well as compression and varus-valgus loading. Four different experiments were performed on each specimen. (1) Knee joints were axially loaded. Comparison between applied and measured compressive forces demonstrated the accuracy and reliability of in situ measurements (1.8N). (2) Assessment of knee stability based on condyle contact forces or varus-valgus moments were compared to the current surgical method (difference of varus-valgus loads causing condyle lift-off). The force-based approach was equivalent to the surgical method while the moment-based, which is considered optimal, showed a tendency of lateral imbalance. (3) To estimate the importance of keeping the patella in its anatomical position during imbalance assessment, the effect of patellar eversion on the mediolateral distribution of tibiofemoral contact forces was measured. One fourth of the contact force induced by the patellar load was shifted to the lateral compartment. (4) The effect of minor and major medial collateral ligament releases was biomechanically quantified. On average, the medial contact force was reduced by 20% and 46%, respectively. Large variation among specimens reflected the difficulty of ligament release and the need for intraoperative force monitoring. This series of experiments thus demonstrated the device's potential to improve ligament balancing and survivorship of total knee arthroplasty.