55 resultados para Medvedev


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To identify the physiological functions of the retinoid-related orphan receptor γ (RORγ), a member of the nuclear receptor superfamily, mice deficient in RORγ function were generated by targeted disruption. RORγ−/− mice lack peripheral and mesenteric lymph nodes and Peyer's patches, indicating that RORγ expression is indispensable for lymph node organogenesis. Although the spleen is enlarged, its architecture is normal. The number of peripheral blood CD3+ and CD4+ lymphocytes is reduced 6- and 10-fold, respectively, whereas the number of circulating B cells is normal. The thymus of RORγ−/− mice contains 74.4% ± 8.9% fewer thymocytes than that of wild-type mice. Flow cytometric analysis showed a decrease in the CD4+CD8+ subpopulation. Terminal deoxynucleotidyltransferase-mediated dUTP nick end labeling (TUNEL) staining demonstrated a 4-fold increase in apoptotic cells in the cortex of the thymus of RORγ−/− mice. The latter was supported by the observed increase in annexin V-positive cells. RORγ−/− thymocytes placed in culture exhibit a dramatic increase in the rate of “spontaneous” apoptosis. This increase is largely associated with CD4+CD8+ thymocytes and may, at least in part, be related to the greatly reduced level of expression of the anti-apoptotic gene Bcl-XL. Flow cytometric analysis demonstrated a 6-fold rise in the percentage of cells in the S phase of the cell cycle among thymocytes from RORγ−/− mice. Our observations indicate that RORγ is essential for lymphoid organogenesis and plays an important regulatory role in thymopoiesis. Our findings support a model in which RORγ negatively controls apoptosis in thymocytes.

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The valid name for the largest European species of Cetoniinae is Protaetia speciosissima (Scopoli, 1786), with Protaetia aeruginosa (Medvedev, 1964) as a junior synonym. The specimen illustrated by Scopoli in the original description is designated as the lectotype of Scarabaeus speciosissimus Scopoli, 1786. Since the lectotype is lost, a neotype from Piedmont, Italy, is designated and deposited in the Museo Civico di Storia Naturale Carmagnola, Italy. The name Scarabaeus aeruginosus Drury, 1773 is unavailable since Drury did not describe a new species but misidentified Scarabaeus aeruginosus Linné, 1767. A specimen figured by Gronovius in 1764 and cited by Linné is designated as the lectotype of Scarabaeus aeruginosus Linné, 1767. This species remains dubious, but it can be assigned to the ruteline subtribe Anticheirina.

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Russia’s contacts with the external world over the past year have been characterised by a gradual improvement in its relations with the West, as well as the use of non-confrontational rhetoric, the most far-reaching example of which was the address President Dmitri Medvedev gave to Russian ambassadors this July. In an attempt to harmonise foreign policy with the widely propagated programme for the modernisation of Russia1 President Medvedev presented a vision of the Russian Federation as a responsible global power which is open to co-operation. According to this vision, Russian foreign policy would help to attract foreign investments and technologies. The West was presented as a partner, not a rival. Both this rhetoric and the atmosphere of co-operation in relations with the USA and the EU contrast with the assertive and aggressive Russian policy which was symbolised by and culminated in the Russian-Georgian conflict of 2008. The changes observed in Russian foreign policy are quite limited, and are not constructing a new external strategy. Those changes are rather an attempt to find more efficient ways to implement old strategic goals. The new image of a responsible global power is inconsistent, and Russian policy is still assertive and geopolitically motivated. Although a new rhetoric is really in place, the Russian political elite’s perception of their country’s place and role in the contemporary international order remains unchanged. Moscow’s readiness to become engaged in genuine co-operation with the West has not increased significantly; it is still to a great extent declarative in nature.

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Dmitry Medvedev’s presidency was an experiment carried out by the Russian ruling elite. Even though the new president has been a loyal member of the ruling camp, this decision involved certain risk that the extensive constitutional powers could eventually encourage the new president to seek emancipation, which could provoke internal conflicts and splits in the elite. This paper analyses Medvedev’s presidency and tries to answer the question why this scenario did not take place and why Medvedev failed to overcome the restrictions imposed on him at the start of his presidential term. The paper also presents the activation of certain social groups during Medvedev’s presidency and their calls for a new social contract with the government.

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The last month has seen a public confrontation between Igor Sechin, the president of Rosneft, and Arkady Dvorkovich, the deputy prime minister, concerning the consolidation of the energy sector. This is the latest in a series of disputes between the Kremlin & businessmen from Putin’s inner circle on one side, and the government & Prime Minister Medvedev on the other. These disputes have been wide-ranging in nature, concerning economic policy, the scope of competency of individual members of the elite, but also the ‘tough line’ adopted by the Kremlin since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidency. The Kremlin, which is still the main decision-making centre in Russia, has been effectively forcing its opinions through in its short-term disputes with the government. However, a new element in the ongoing conflicts, which is unfavourable to President Putin, is their exceptional strength, their much more public nature, and their wide range (which has included criticism of the president himself) and ever-changing context, especially the worsening socio-economic situation. These conflicts have been overlapping with signs of dissent among Putin’s business supporters, and their declining political willingness to support the leader unconditionally. The Kremlin’s response to the unrest consists of intensifying efforts to discipline the elite and weakening those groups in which Vladimir Putin has limited confidence. The elite’s support is crucial to the stability of his government; to maintain this support, the Kremlin is ready to introduce restrictive and repressive actions against both parliamentarians and government officials. In the short term, such a policy will force the Kremlin’s supporters back into obedience, but fears of a further increase in repression are also starting to be expressed on the sidelines.

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Svodnyĭ katalog, item no. 3878.

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We review the main physical and mathematical properties of dispersion-managed (DM) optical solitons. Theory of DM solitons can be presented at two levels of accuracy: first, simple, but nevertheless, quantitative models based on ordinary differential equations governing evolution of the soliton width and phase parameter (the so-called chirp); and second, a comprehensive path-average theory that is capable of describing in detail both the fine structure of DM soliton form and its evolution along the fiber line. An analogy between DM soliton and a macroscopic nonlinear quantum oscillator model is also discussed. © 2003 Académie des sciences/Éditions scientifiques et médicales Elsevier SAS. All rights reserved.

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Radical thinkers and activists have put forth “building community” as a political alternative, but what does “building community” actually entail? This thesis examines how a student cohousing group in College Park builds community in a rapidly changing college town. The group was founded to help house low-income tenants in the face of increasingly unaffordable housing. I ask how the group creates organizational structures and personal relationships that give rise to alternative housing opportunities. I examine how community shapes, and is shaped by, features of cohousing such as democratic decision-making and cooperative economics. I give particular attention to tensions that occur within the cooperative due to faults in democratic decision-making, the ability to perform cooperative duties, and the demographic makeup of the cooperative. Finally, I ask what transformative features, if any, the community possesses in the face of the city’s development.