944 resultados para Media Coverage
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Headline is Ireland's national media monitoring programme, working to promote responsible and accurate coverage of mental health and suicide related issues within the Irish media.Headline aims to highlight mental health issues and address the stigma attached to emotional distress, suicidal behaviour and mental illness through the promotion of responsible media coverage.
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In the last decades, the globalized competition among cities and regions made them develop new strategies for branding and promoting their territory to attract tourists, investors, companies and residents. Major sports events - such as the Olympic Games, the FIFA World Cup or World and Continental Championships - have played an integral part in these strategies. Believing, with or without evidence, in the capacity of those events to improve the visibility and the economy of the host destination, many cities, regions and even countries have engaged in establishing sports events hosting strategies. The problem of the globalized competition in the sports events "market" is that many cities and regions do not have the resources - either financial, human or in terms of infrastructure - to compete in hosting major sports events. Consequently, many cities or regions have to turn to second-tier sports events. To organise those smaller events means less media coverage and more difficulty in finding sponsors, while the costs - both financial and in terms of services - stay high for the community. This paper analyses how Heritage Sporting Events (HSE) might be an opportunity for cities and regions engaged in sports events hosting strategies. HSE is an emerging concept that to date has been under-researched in the academic literature. Therefore, this paper aims to define the concept of HSE through an exploratory research study. A multidisciplinary literature review reveals two major characteristics of HSEs: the sustainability in the territory and the authenticity of the event constructed through a differentiation process. These characteristics, defined through multiple variables, give us the opportunity to observe the construction process of a sports event into a heritage object. This paper argues that HSEs can be seen as territorial resources that can represent a competitive advantage for host destinations. In conclusion, academics are invited to further research HSEs to better understand their construction process and their impacts on the territory, while local authorities are invited to consider HSEs for the branding and the promotion of their territory.
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Protectionism enjoys surprising popular support, in spite of deadweight losses. At thesame time, trade barriers appear to decline with public information about protection.This paper develops an electoral model with heterogeneously informed voters whichexplains both facts and predicts the pattern of trade policy across industries. In themodel, each agent endogenously acquires more information about his sector of employment. As a result, voters support protectionism, because they learn more about thetrade barriers that help them as producers than those that hurt them as consumers.In equilibrium, asymmetric information induces a universal protectionist bias. Thestructure of protection is Pareto inefficient, in contrast to existing models. The modelpredicts a Dracula effect: trade policy for a sector is less protectionist when there ismore public information about it. Using a measure of newspaper coverage across industries, I find that cross-sector evidence from the United States bears out my theoreticalpredictions.
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We investigate dynamics of public perceptions of the 2009 H1N1 influenza pandemic to understand changing patterns of sense-making and blame regarding the outbreak of emerging infectious diseases. We draw on social representation theory combined with a dramaturgical perspective to identify changes in how various collectives are depicted over the course of the pandemic, according to three roles: heroes, villains and victims. Quantitative results based on content analysis of three cross-sectional waves of interviews show a shift from mentions of distant collectives (e.g., far-flung countries) at Wave 1 to local collectives (e.g., risk groups) as the pandemic became of more immediate concern (Wave 2) and declined (Wave 3). Semi-automated content analysis of media coverage shows similar results. Thematic analyses of the discourse associated with collectives revealed that many were consistently perceived as heroes, villains and victims.
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This article analyzes the role of the press in direct democratic campaigns. The paper argues the press has a dual role: On news pages, newspapers ought to inform citizens about the issue positions and frames of the pro and con camps in a balanced way. In editorials, newspapers act as political advocates that promote their own issue frames and try to shape public opinion through voting recommendations. Comparing the issue positions and frames in editorials and news reports in the run-up to the vote on the popular initiative "Yes to Europe" in Switzerland, this article shows that newspapers give similar visibility to the pro and con camps regardless of the papers' own editorial position. However, some newspapers favor issue frames that are in line with their editorial perspectives. In conclusion, newspapers are more similar in news report content than in editorial views.
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Issue ownership theory argues that when a voter considers a party to be the most competent amongst others to deal with an issue (that is, the party "owns" the issue), chances are the voter will vote for that party. Recent work has shown that perceptions of issue ownership are dynamic: they are affected by the media coverage of party messages. However, based on the broad literature on partisan bias, we predict that parties' efforts to change issue ownership perceptions will have a difficult time breaching the perceptual screen created by a voter's party preference. Using two separate experiments with a similar design we show that the effect of partisan issue messages on issue competence is moderated by party preference. The effect of issue messages is reinforced when people already like a party, and blocked when people dislike a party.
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In a democratic society, the media are central to the communication of risks and uncertainties to the public. This article presents 10 proposals for improving media coverage in social risk situations. The article focuses on the production logic of the media and its consequences for society. The proposals and the conclusions of this research are supported by an analysis of three Spanish cases: the risk implied by the Tarragona chemical complex (one of the biggest in Europe); the terrorist attacks on 11 March 2004 in Madrid; and the Carmel tunnel disaster in Barcelona on January 2005. The authors are participating in a research project on public perception of risk funded by the Spanish Education Ministry on public perception of risk (2004–2007 and 2007–2010).
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This contribution addresses the anti-minaret referendum accepted by the Swiss people in 2009, using data drawn from the main television news program in French-speaking Switzerland. The analysis tries to point out ambiguities in the media coverage of this referendum and to show how increasing the Muslims' visibility worked against their public recognition. The clarification of the concept of visibility pays attention to the ways in which certain actors (politicians of the nationalist right) force others (the Muslims of Switzerland) to appear in the public sphere, creating controversy and publicizing their identity aspirations. This investigation leads to an inquiry on the normative conditions necessary for democratic debate. Cette contribution revient sur l'initiative anti-minarets acceptée par le peuple suisse en 2009, à partir de matériau provenant du principal journal de la Télévision suisse romande. L'analyse tente de ressaisir les ambiguïtés inhérentes à la médiatisation de cette initiative et de montrer comment la visibilisation des musulmans a joué en défaveur de leur reconnaissance publique. L'élucidation du concept de visibilité se veut attentive à certaines formes d'instrumentalisation par des acteurs (des politiciens de la droite nationaliste) qui en forcent d'autres (les musulmans de Suisse) à apparaître dans l'espace public, afin de susciter une controverse et publiciser leur programme identitaire. L'enquête débouche sur une interrogation relative aux conditions normatives nécessaires à la tenue d'un débat démocratique.
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Much research studies how individuals cope with disease threat by blaming out-groups and protecting the in-group. The model of collective symbolic coping (CSC) describes four stages by which representations of a threatening event are elaborated in the mass media: awareness, divergence, convergence, and normalization. We used the CSC model to predict when symbolic in-group protection (othering) would occur in the case of the avian influenza (AI) outbreak. Two studies documented CSC stages and showed that othering occurred during the divergence stage, characterized by an uncertain symbolic environment. Study 1 analysed media coverage of AI over time, documenting CSC stages of awareness and divergence. In Study 2, a two-wave repeated cross-sectional survey was conducted just after the divergence stage and a year later. Othering was measured by the number of foreign countries erroneously ticked by participants as having human victims. Individual differences in germ aversion and social dominance orientation interacted to predict othering during the divergence stage but not a year later. Implications for research on CSC and symbolic in-group protection strategies resulting from disease threat are discussed.
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This article aims to explain how newspapers commented on the movie Good Night, and Good Luck before its release. The media coverage anticipated George Clooney's film as a partisan attack launched against George W. Bush's policy since 9/11. Clooney advocates another reading: the historic confrontation between journalist Edward Murrow and Senator Joseph McCarty permits to reflect on the crucial role that the media play for democracy. Such reflection tries to prevent the dividing of the public sphere into antagonistic camps opposing "friends" to "foes," a division that undermines the possibility of a true pluralism. Our socio-semiotic analysis will focus on the critical work accomplished by the media, and on the way that work determines the collective meaning of a cultural object. Simultaneously, we will discuss the necessary conditions for pluralism in a public sphere.
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In 2007, Barry Bonds hit his 75 6th home run, breaking Hank Aaron's all-time record for most home runs in a Major League career. While it would be expected that such an accomplishment would induce unending praise and adulationfor the new record-holder, Bonds did not receive the treatment typically reserved for a beloved baseball hero. The purpose of this thesis is to assess media representations of the 2007 home run chase in order to shed light upon the factors which led to the mixed representations which accompanied BOlTds ' assault on Aaron's record. Drawingfrom Roland Barthes ' concept of myth, this thesis proposes that Bonds was portrayed in predominantly negative ways because he was seen as failing to embody the values of baseball's mythology. Using a qualitative content analysis of three major American newspapers, this thesis examines portrayals of Bonds and how he was shown both to represent and oppose elements from baseball's mythology, such as youth, and a distant, agrarian past. Recognizing the ways in which baseball is associated with American life, the media representations of Bonds are also evaluated to discern whether he was portrayed as personifYing a distinctly American set of values. The results indicate that, in media coverage of the 2007 home run chase, Bonds was depicted as a player of many contradictions. Most commonly, Bonds' athletic ability and career achievements were contrasted with unflattering descriptions of his character, including discussions of his alleged use of performance-enhancing substances. However, some coverage portrayed Bonds as embodying baseball myth. The findings contribute to an appreciation of the importance of historical context in examining media representations. This understanding is enhanced by an analysis of a selection of articles on Mark McGwire 's record-breaking season in 1998, and careful consideration of, and comparison to, the context under which Bonds performed in 2007. Findings are also shown to support the contemporary existence of a strong American baseball mythology. That Bonds is both condemned for failing to uphold the mythology and praised for personifYing it suggests that the values seen as inherent to baseball continue to act as an American cultural benchmark.
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Ce mémoire porte sur le rôle que jouent les médias de masse dans la construction de la personnalité publique des nouveaux chefs de partis politiques. Lorsqu’un individu est nommé à la tête d’un parti politique, il est la plupart du temps peu connu du grand public. Or, comme une écrasante majorité de citoyens n’a jamais l’occasion d’entrer en contact directement avec les hommes et les femmes politiques, c’est exclusivement par le biais des médias que la plupart des gens apprennent à connaître leurs représentants politiques – ou ceux qui aspirent à jouer ce rôle. Or les médias ne se contentent pas de répéter ce que les politiciens disent. Les informations qu’ils décident d’inclure dans leurs reportages, les mots qu’ils utilisent et les cadrages qu’ils retiennent contribuent à définir la personnalité des leaders émergents dont ils parlent. Les médias choisissent aussi de mettre l’accent sur certains traits de personnalité et décident d’en ignorer d’autres. Afin de mieux comprendre ce phénomène, nous avons étudié le cas de l’ex-chef du Parti québécois, André Boisclair. Nous avons cherché à savoir si la couverture dont ce dernier a fait l’objet a été stable ou si elle a suivi certains cycles, et nous nous sommes intéressés aux critères retenus par les médias pour évaluer sa personnalité. Pour ce faire, nous avons étudié le volume, le format, le ton, les objets et les cadrages qui caractérisent la couverture dont a été l’objet André Boisclair à l’antenne de la Société Radio-Canada et du Réseau TVA entre le 4 juin 2005 et le 21 février 2007. Nos conclusions sont à l’effet que la couverture a bel et bien suivi un cycle, et que les critères retenus par les médias sont très similaires à ceux qui sont réputés être importants pour la population dans le choix d’un leader politique.
Resumo:
Dans les démocraties occidentales, la notion d’opinion publique occupe une place importante dans l’action des politiciens et le discours des médias. Elle y renvoie généralement à la somme des opinions individuelles des citoyens, aux résultats de sondages. Or, les limites de l’opinion publique ainsi conceptualisée apparaissent de plus en plus clairement aux chercheurs en sciences sociales, et cela jette un doute sur sa valeur comme guide des politiques publiques. Pour mieux comprendre la place de l’opinion publique dans le processus démocratique québécois, nous avons cherché à connaître les conceptions qu’en ont certains acteurs-clés : les chroniqueurs politiques et éditorialistes francophones du Québec. Au moyen d’entrevues, nous avons documenté leurs « théories profanes » à ce sujet, c’est à dire leurs façons de voir l’opinion publique et sa place dans le processus démocratique. L’exercice nous apprend que ces « commentateurs habituels » distinguent plusieurs formes d’opinion publique, de valeur inégale. Celle qui revêt le plus d’intérêt pour eux est une « opinion publique latente », qui intègre des dimensions d’intensité et de propension à changer. Ils jugent les sondages utiles mais insuffisants pour appréhender l’opinion publique; aussi l’interprètent-ils à partir de conversations et d’un certain « sens de l’opinion publique ». Selon eux, les médias peuvent influencer l’opinion publique, mais surtout influencer la tenue d’une délibération publique et la façon dont les décideurs lisent l’opinion publique. Ils estiment aussi pouvoir, par leur travail journalistique, favoriser l’émergence d’une opinion publique raisonnée, ce qui est conforme à leur idéal de démocratie participative.