El proceso en España de la adopción de una legislación eficaz para la prevención del tabaquismo

The prevention movement has been the key agent involved in smoking control policies. This study describes the context and the process in which Law 28/2005 was passed in Spain with a synthesis of its substance. It provides the background of the events leading up to Spain's current smoking control law in addition to an analysis of the role played by the different social actors in the process and the arguments and strategies employed in opposition by the tobacco industry. A review is also provided of the political agents, highlighting that decentralized countries have further problems in enforcing regulations. This case offers lessons for the future.

What explains electoral turnout in Swiss municipalities?

What explains the higher electoral turnout in some of the Swiss municipalities? Since there are important differences as far as size, socio-economic structure, importance, political systems and the prevailing political culture are concerned, the Swiss municipalities offer a laboratory-like field of research. Using aggregate level data from our own surveys and from official sources covering the whole country this paper investigates the determinants of voting turnout at the local level. It comes to the following conclusion: The level of electoral turnout in Swiss municipalities depends to an important extent on institutional variables. If the executive is elected in a citizens' assembly there are considerably fewer people participating than in elections at the polls. PR also has a positive effect on turnout, whereas it cannot be shown that having a local parliament leads to higher turnout (and thus to increased interest in politics). Another important variable is the size of a municipality. In smaller municipalities turnout is consistently higher than in bigger ones. As for the importance of Catholicism for turnout, our study confirms the findings of Freitag (2005) at the cantonal level. The Catholic milieu has a positive impact on participation

Trata de personas : un enfoque analítico de la legislación penal brasileña

En la pasada década, la trata de personas alcanzó proporciones epidémicas. Ningún país es inmune. La trata de personas es, en la actualidad, de entre todas las delincuencias organizadas, la actividad criminal de mayor crecimiento en todo el mundo. No es un problema de rápida solución, en realidad es una problemática global, de interés social y jurídico. En Brasil se dan numerosos casos de hombres, mujeres y niños sometidos al tráfico sexual , tanto dentro del país como en el exterior, así como de hombres y menores sometidos a trabajo forzado dentro del país. En grado menor, Brasil es destino y tránsito de hombres y mujeres utilizados en el trabajo y la prostitución forzada. El presente trabajo expone, en su primera parte, el aspecto sociológico del problema, definiendo la trata de personas y las diferencias existentes entre el tráfico y la esclavitud sexual, la prostitución, los trabajos forzados y el comercio de tejidos, órganos y partes del cuerpo humano. En la segunda parte, se lleva a cabo un enfoque sobre la legislación penal brasileña poniendo de manifiesto las lagunas, los déficits existentes y los esfuerzos en la actualización de su legislación penal, en aras de una mejor adecuación a lo dictado en el Protocolo de Palermo. Finalmente, se analiza la lucha de las Naciones Unidas y del Brasil, en la Promulgación de un Plan para la prevención del tráfico interno e internacional de personas y sus resultados

The Impact of the Electoral System on Political Campaigning : Are Candidates for the Council of States More Moderate than their Fellow Candidates for the National Council ?

It is commonly believed that majority voting enhances parties to cluster around the centre of the political space, whereas proportional systems (PR) foster great ideological divergence. The theoretical arguments for these expectations go back to the work of Downs (1957) and Duverger (1954). More recent studies, however, produced quite contradictory empirical findings. In this paper I will test whether similar arguments hold true for the positioning of candidates campaigning in different electoral systems. The elections for the two chambers of the Swiss Parliament and the data from the Swiss Electoral Studies (SELECTS) and the Swiss Voting Advice Application (VAA) smartvote offer an excellent - almost laboratory like - opportunity to do so empirically. The analyses show clearly, the theoretical claims that majority voting necessarily fosters more moderate positions find no support. The candidates for the Council of States, elected in a majority system, are not more moderate than their fellow party candidates for the National Council which are elected in a PR system.

An Inquiry into the use of illegal electoral practices and effects of political violence

This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.

Electoral competition through issue selection

Politics must tackle multiple issues at once. In a first-best world, political competition constrains parties to prioritize issues according to the voters' true concerns. In the real world, the opposite also happens: parties manipulate voter priorities by emphasizing issues selectively during the political campaign. This phenomenon, known as priming, should allow parties to pay less attention to the issues that they intend to mute. We develop a model of endogenous issue ownership in which two vote-seeking parties (i) invest to attract voters with "better" policy proposals and (ii) choose a communication campaign to focus voter attention on specific issues. We identify novel feedbacks between communication and investment. In particular, we find that stronger priming effects can backfire by constraining parties to invest more resources in all issues, including the ones they would otherwise intend to mute. We also identify under which conditions parties prefer to focus on their "historical issues" or to engage in issue stealing. Typically, the latter happens when priming effects are strong, and historical reputations differentiates parties less.

Uncertainty, electoral Incentives and political myopia

In this paper, we study the determinants of political myopia in a rational model of electoral accountability where the key elements are informational frictions and uncertainty. We build a framework where political ability is ex-ante unknown and policy choices are not perfectly observable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politicians invest too little in costly policies with future returns in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reelection probability. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, uncertainty reduces political myopia and may, under some conditions, increase social welfare. We use the model to study how political rewards can be set so as to maximise social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limit to governments. The predictions of our theory are consistent with a number of stylised facts and with a new empirical observation documented in this paper: aggregate uncertainty, measured by economic volatility, is associated to better ...scal discipline in a panel of 20 OECD countries.

La legislación como condicionante en la creatividad: perspectiva de género y estereotipos

Entre los varios tópicos que rodean al ámbito publicitario, aquellos relacionados con el tratamiento de género, específicamente al femenino, a través de las representaciones de roles y estereotipos en las que, además, el cuerpo tiene especial relevancia, han determinado que la publicidad sea considerada como uno de los factores que refuerzan y fomentan la discriminación hacia las mujeres. Dentro de los límites que el marco regulador establece para la libertad de expresión y por iniciativas propias del sistema publicitario a través del autocontrol, en las estrategias creativas y en quienes las producen, se han iniciado procesos, llamados a repensar las identidades femeninas y masculinas, pese a ello, existen efluvios que demuestran que el sexismo continua presente en las sociedades en las que la publicidad se desenvuelve, por tanto le dan cabida a ésta y otras formas de comunicación y de procesos y comportamientos sociales

Traducción de la Ley federal alemana relativa a prestaciones y permisos parentales (Bundeselterngeld- und Elternzeitgesetz) y análisis comparativo de la legislación española

En la UE existen diversas propuestas de nuevas políticas familiares para alcanzar la conciliación de la vida laboral con la familiar.La comparación de las principales novedades de la BEEG con la respectiva legislación española manifiesta las diferencias entre ambos países europeos en su reto de enfrentarse al problema común del envejecimiento poblacional.

Electoral Platforms, Implemented Policies, and Abstention

Recent studies of American politics evidence that political polarization of both the electorate and the political elite have moved 'almost in tandem for the past half century' (McCarty et al., 2003, p.2), and that party polarization has steadily increased since the 1970s. On the other hand, the empirical literature on party platforms and implemented policies has consistently found an imperfect but nonnegligible correlation between electoral platforms and governmental policies: while platforms tend to be polarized, policies are moderate or centrist. However, existing theoretical models of political competition are not manifestly compatible with these observations. In this paper, we distinguish between electoral platforms and implemented policies by incorporating a non-trivial policy-setting process. It follows that voters may care not only about the implemented policy but also about the platform they support with their vote. We find that while parties tend to polarize their positions, the risk of alienating their constituency prevents them from radicalizing. The analysis evidences that the distribution of the electorate, and not only the (expected) location of a pivotal voter, matters in determining policies. Our results are consistent with the observation of polarized platforms and moderate policies, and the alienation and indifference components of abstention.

Trabajadores portuarios en Dakar:Organización, legislación laboral e Instituciones (1914-1939)

Este artículo pretende analizar la evolución y actuaciones de los miembros de la comunidad portuaria en Dakar entre 1914 y 1939. En este caso, el objeto de análisis serán los miembros de la clase obrera (estibadores, obreros, amarradores, conductores) y sus relaciones con los demás miembros de la comunidad portuaria del puerto de Dakar. Además, estableceremos las condiciones de trabajo así como el tipo de oferta de trabajo y el impacto que ello tuvo sobre la actividad sindical. El marco temporal viene definido por la elección de Blaise Diagne como primer diputado senegalés en la Asamblea Nacional, los comienzos de un sindicalismo visible en la ciudad senegalesa y el final del análisis motivado por la interrupción de la acción modernizadora tras la derrota del Frente Popular en Francia.

Associationism and electoral participation: A multilevel study of 2000 Spanish general election

This work presents an application of the multilevel analysis techniques tothe study of the abstention in the 2000 Spanish general election. Theinterest of the study is both, substantive and methodological. From thesubstantive point of view the article intends to explain the causes ofabstention and analyze the impact of associationism on it. From themethodological point of view it is intended to analyze the interaction betweenindividual and context with a modelisation that takes into account thehierarchical structure of data. The multilevel study of this paper validatesthe one level results obtained in previous analysis of the abstention andshows that only a fraction of the differences in abstention are explained bythe individual characteristics of the electors. Another important fraction ofthese differences is due to the political and social characteristics of thecontext. Relating to associationism, the data suggest that individualparticipation in associations decrease the probability of abstention. However,better indicators are needed in order to catch more properly the effect ofassociationism in electoral behaviour.

An agenda-setting model of electoral competition

This paper presents a model of electoral competition focusing on the formation of thepublic agenda. An incumbent government and a challenger party in opposition competein elections by choosing the issues that will key out their campaigns. Giving salience toan issue implies proposing an innovative policy proposal, alternative to the status-quo.Parties trade off the issues with high salience in voters concerns and those with broadagreement on some alternative policy proposal. Each party expects a higher probabilityof victory if the issue it chooses becomes salient in the voters decision. But remarkably,the issues which are considered the most important ones by a majority of votes may notbe given salience during the electoral campaign. An incumbent government may survivein spite of its bad policy performance if there is no sufficiently broad agreement on apolicy alternative. We illustrate the analytical potential of the model with the case of theUnited States presidential election in 2004.

It's parties that choose electoral systems (or Duverger's Law upside down)

This article presents, discusses and tests the hypothesis that it is the number of parties what can explain the choice of electoral systems, rather than the other way round. Already existing political parties tend to choose electoral systems that, rather than generate new party systems by themselves, will crystallize, consolidate or reinforce previously existing party configurations. A general model develops the argument and presents the concept of 'behavioral-institutional equilibrium' to account for the relation between electoral systems and party systems. The most comprehensive dataset and test of these notions to date, encompassing 219 elections in 87 countries since the 19th century, are presented. The analysis gives strong support to the hypotheses that political party configurations dominated by a few parties tend to establish majority rule electoral systems, while multiparty systems already existed before the introduction of proportional representation. It also offers the new theoretical proposition that strategic party choice of electoral systems leads to a general trend toward proportional representation over time.