Monitoreo del plomo en el vecindario de Pilsen /

Based on this new data, the Illinois EPA has requested that the Illinois Attorney General initiate legal action against H. Kramer relative to its contribution to a violation of the lead National Ambient Air Quality Standard.

Secondary stakeholders as agents of influence: Three essays on political risk, reputation, and multinational performance

Organizational researchers have recently taken an interest in the ways in which social movements, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and other secondary stakeholders attempt to influence corporate behavior. Scholars, however, have yet to carefully probe the link between secondary stakeholder legal action and target firm stock market performance. This is puzzling given the sharp rise in NGO-initiated civil lawsuits against corporations in recent years for alleged overseas human rights abuses and environmental misconduct. Furthermore, few studies have considered how such lawsuits impact a target firm’s intangible assets, namely its image and reputation. Structured in the form of three essays, this dissertation examined the antecedents and consequences of secondary stakeholder legal activism in both conceptual and empirical settings. ^ Essay One argued that conventional approaches to understanding political risk fail to account for the reputational risks to multinational enterprises (MNEs) posed by transnational networks of human rights NGOs employing litigation-based strategies. It offered a new framework for understanding this emerging challenge to multinational corporate activity. Essay Two empirically tested the relationship between the filing of human rights-related civil lawsuits and corporate stock market performance using an event study methodology and regression analysis. The statistical analysis performed showed that target firms experience a significant decline in share price upon filing and that both industry and nature of the lawsuit are significantly and negatively related to shareholder wealth. Essay Three drew upon social movement and social identity theories to develop and test a set of hypotheses on how secondary stakeholder groups select their targets for human rights-related civil lawsuits. The results of a logistic regression model offered support for the proposition that MNE targets are chosen based on both interest and identity factors. The results of these essays suggest that legal action initiated by secondary stakeholder groups is a new and salient threat to multinational business and that firms doing business in countries with weak political institutions should factor this into corporate planning and take steps to mitigate their exposure to such risks.^

Rede de atendimento socioeducativo: possibilidades e limites da garantia de direitos

The results of the research systematized on this analysis sought apprehend the linkage of the socio-educational service network, destined to adolescents who comply with socioeducational measure of confinement, in the region of the Seridó of the state of the Rio Grande do Norte, especially in the city of Caicó, central town of this region. The achievement of this study was stimulated by the interest in unraveling the contradictory reality imposed by neoliberal State, sparing the guarantee of rights, especially to these teens, who are seen as authors of violations and are stigmatized by capitalist society. The research was carried in the period July-September 2013, under critical perspective, using the documental analysis and the observational techniques and interviews with professionals of the Educational Center (CEDUC), of the Unified Health System (SUS), of the Social Policies of Social Assistance, and of the State Department of Education, which should make the service network that gravitates around the National System of Socio-educational Services (SINASE). The Statute of Children and Adolescents (ECA) and SINASE define that the application of socioeducational measures cannot occur isolated of the public policies, becoming indispensable the linkages of the system with the social policies of social assistance, education and health. However, it was observed that the neoliberal logic of the capitalist State has developed broken, disconnected, focal and superficial social policies, who fail give effect to the rights acquired beyond the legal sphere. In this perspective, it is possible affirm that the everyday of the Brazilian poor teens is marked by the action of the State, which aims to control those who disturb the order of capital, who threaten the production, the market, the consume and the private property. This way, actions are promoted criminalizing poverty and imprint a legal action over this expression of the social issue to the detriment of social policies that meet the real needs of adolescents. Face of this reality, it becomes necessary to put on the agenda of the here and now to fight for rights, aiming at a broad public debate involving professionals, researchers and social movements in support of the viability of rights, which aims to support reflections and to strengthen ways to confront this social problem. With the approximations of this study, it was learned that the struggle for rights is a fight for another project of society, beyond what is laid.

The Blame Game: Perceptions of Blame, Responsibility and Seriousness in Cyberbullying

Cyberbullying is gaining increasing media attention. Victims may be reluctant to report such bullying due to the perception by others that these victims somehow play a role in their own victimization. This perception, often referred to as victim blame, has been commonly researched in child sexual abuse, rape and hate crime cases, but it has not really been examined in cases of cyberbullying. To assess victim blame, 241 participants were recruited and asked to read a scenario of cyberbullying that involved either a 14-year-old or a 20-year old victim. Perpetrator gender and victim gender were also manipulated. It was found that perceptions regarding the scenario were influenced by the gender of the perpetrator and the age of the victim. This was particularly the case when perceptions of the seriousness of the crime and the necessity for legal action were assessed.

Dopuszczalność i skutki potwierdzenia czynności dokonanej bez wymaganej przez umowę lub statut zgody organu spółki

W artykule autorzy podejmują się dokonania analizy zagadnienia dotyczącego możliwości naruszenia umowy spółki lub statutu przez członków zarządu oraz wpływu takiego naruszenia na ważność podjętej czynności prawnej. Zagadnienie to wywołuje liczne problemy praktyczne, chociażby z uwagi na obowiązek każdorazowej weryfikacji przed zawarciem umowy listy czynności, na dokonanie których statut lub umowa spółki zastrzega sobie taki wymóg. Nie ma tu znaczenia dobra czy zła wiara kontrahenta, który ma świadomość o istnieniu takiego zapisu dla ważności danej czynności prawnej. Zgoła odmienna jest sytuacja członka zarządu, dla którego uzyskanie takiej zgody jest ważne, z uwagi na naruszenia umowy spółki albo statutu, a w konsekwencji jego odpowiedzialność odszkodowawczą do dochodzenia ewentualnego odszkodowania za szkodę wyrządzoną działaniem lub zaniechaniem. Pamiętać jednak należy, że do istnienia odpowiedzialności niezbędne jest wykazanie szkody. Jednakże biorąc pod uwagę uwarunkowania biznesowe niekiedy trudno uzyskać zgodę rady nadzorczej lub walnego zgromadzenia wspólników na taką zgodę. Powstaje wtedy pytanie, czy można ją uzyskać następczo. Autorzy w artykule dokonują analizy stawiając tezę, iż możliwe jest następcze wyrażenie zgody na dokonaną bez uprzedniej zgody czynność prawną. Dokonując wnioskowania a maiori ad minus można w ocenie autorów dopuścić potwierdzenie takiej czynności następczo i to nie tylko w wymaganym dwumiesięcznym terminie, ale nawet późniejszym, co może mieć wpływ na ich ewentualne wyłączenie odpowiedzialności z tytułu naruszenia postanowień umowy spółki (statutu). Całość rozważań ściśle oscyluje wokół praktycznych problemów pojawiających się funkcjonowaniu spółki.

Paisagens pós-industriais, uma nova oportunidade de sucesso. Fábrica da Fiação de Tomar

Mestrado em Arquitetura Paisagista - Instituto Superior de Agronomia

The constitutional power to make war: domestic legal issues raised by Australia's action in Iraq

The legal power to declare war has traditionally been a part of a prerogative to be exercised solely on advice that passed from the King to the Governor-General no later than 1942. In 2003, the Governor- General was not involved in the decision by the Prime Minister and Cabinet to commit Australian troops to the invasion of Iraq. The authors explore the alternative legal means by which Australia can go to war - means the government in fact used in 2003 - and the constitutional basis of those means. While the prerogative power can be regulated and/or devolved by legislation, and just possibly by practice, there does not seem to be a sound legal basis to assert that the power has been devolved to any other person. It appears that in 2003 the Defence Minister used his legal powers under the Defence Act 1903 (Cth) (as amended in 1975) to give instructions to the service head(s). A powerful argument could be made that the relevant sections of the Defence Act were not intended to be used for the decision to go to war, and that such instructions are for peacetime or in bello decisions. If so, the power to make war remains within the prerogative to be exercised on advice. Interviews with the then Governor-General indicate that Prime Minister Howard had planned to take the matter to the Federal Executive Council 'for noting', but did not do so after the Governor-General sought the views of the then Attorney-General about relevant issues of international law. The exchange raises many issues, but those of interest concern the kinds of questions the Governor-General could and should ask about proposed international action and whether they in any way mirror the assurances that are uncontroversially required for domestic action. In 2003, the Governor-General's scrutiny was the only independent scrutiny available because the legality of the decision to go to war was not a matter that could be determined in the High Court, and the federal government had taken action in March 2002 that effectively prevented the matter coming before the International Court of Justice

Is climate change litigation an effective strategy for promoting greater action to address climate change? What other legal mechanisms might be appropriate?

In recent times a widespread consensus on the reality and gravity of anthropogenic climate change has emerged. Perceived inadequacies in the Australian government’s legal and policy responses to climate change issues have resulted in environmental activists increasingly turning to the courts as a strategy to promote greater action to address adverse climate impacts. The efficacy of this strategy for achieving climate goals is limited by the time and expense of litigating, the restrictions inherent in environmental law administrative challenges, and the possibility that judicial decisions may be overruled by the legislature. To date, climate change litigation in Australia has met with varied success, yet its significance extends beyond the court room as an important mechanism for raising public, political and commercial awareness about climate change issues. Ultimately, however, the types of far-reaching changes needed to mitigate and manage adverse climate impacts require strong regulatory backing. The most effective approach to addressing the complex challenges posed by climate change is a coordinated suite of regulatory measures spearheaded by the Federal Government.

Contextualised Equality and the Politics of Legal Mobilisation: Affirmative Action in Northern Ireland

This article examines the development of affirmative action and equality policies targeted at the two main ethno-national communities in Northern Ireland, as an example of ‘contextualised equality’. The argument places particular weight on a politics of legal mobilisation. The article suggests that the ability to connect post-1998 reforms, in practical and symbolic ways, to overriding inter-communal narratives was often a determining factor in identifying those elements of the Good Friday Agreement which advanced, or were constructed as achievable. The argument has implications for understanding how equality debates will progress, and explaining why certain agendas appear to ‘succeed’ and others ‘fail’.

The margin of appreciation, domestic irregularity and domestic court rulings in ECHR environmental jurisprudence: Global legal pluralism in action

Global legal pluralism is concerned, inter alia, with the growing multiplicity of normative legal orders and the ways in which these different orders intersect and are accommodated with one another. The different means used for accommodation will have a critical bearing on how individuals fare within them. This article examines the recent environmental jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights to explore some of the means of reaching an accommodation between national legal orders and the European Convention. Certain types of accommodation – such as the margin of appreciation given to states by the Court – are well known. In essence, such mechanisms of legal pluralism raise a presumptive barrier which generally works for the state and against the individual rights-bearer. However, the principal focus of the current article is on a less well-known, recent set of pluralistic devices employed by the Court, which typically operate presumptively in the other direction, in favour of the individual. First, the Court looks to instances of breaches of domestic environmental law (albeit not in isolation); and second, it places an emphasis on whether domestic courts have ruled against the relevant activity. Where domestic standards have been breached or national courts have ruled against the state, then, presumptive weight is typically shifted towards the individual.