993 resultados para Latin America essay


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Recently a number of mainstream papers have treated the rise of democracy in 19th century Europe and its instability in Latin America in an eminently Marxist fashion. This paper sets out their implications for Marxist thought. With respect to Europe, Marx's emphasis on political action backed by the threat of violence is vindicated but his justification for socialism is not. With respect to Latin America, the unequal distribution of wealth is the cause of political instability that is, in turn, the root cause of mass poverty. In addition it is possible to explain some of the paradoxical characteristics of neo-liberalism and to make a weak argument for socialism in spite of its rejection in Europe.

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One of the most notable characteristics of the change in governance of the past two decades has been the restructuring of the state, most notably the delegation of authority from politicians and ministries to technocrats and regulatory agencies. Our unique dataset on the extent of these reforms in seven sectors in 36 countries reveals the widespread diffusion of these reforms in recent decades. In 1986 there were only 23 agencies across these sectors and countries (less than one agency per country); by 2002 this number had increased more than seven-fold, to 169. On average these 36 countries each have more than four agencies in the seven sectors studied. Yet the widespread diffusion of these reforms is characterized by cross-regional and cross-sectoral variations. Our data reveal two major variations: first, reforms are more widespread in economic regulation that in social spheres; second, regulatory agencies in the social spheres are more widespread in Europe than in Latin America. Why these variations in the spread of the reforms? In this paper we present for the first time the regulatory gaps across regions and sectors and then move on to offer some explanations for these gaps in a way that sheds some light on the nature of these reforms and on their limits. Our explanatory framework combines diffusion and structural explanations and in doing so sheds new light on the global diffusion of public policy ideas.

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This paper addresses the challenges facing China in accelerating the pace of rural-urban migration as part of its on-going economic development programme. It explains the push and pull influences on migration and in particular explains why a continuing focus on urbanisation is justified by the very large gap between rural and urban incomes and the relatively higher income elasticity of demand for urban-based goods and services. The provision of affordable housing is an integral part of this structural shift programme. The paper thus considers the most appropriate ways in which housing finance can be mobilised, and thence how both the quality and the affordability of the housing stock can be increased. Positive and negative lessons for China are offered from the different urbanisation experiences of Latin America (especially Colombia) and Singapore.

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The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful élites and counter-élites.

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Trypanosoma cruzi is a protozoan infection widely spread in Latin America, from Mexico in the north to Argentina and Chile in the south. The second most important way of acquiring the infection is by blood transfusion. Even if most countries of Latin America have law/decree/norms, that make mandatory the screening of blood donors for infectious diseases, including T. cruzi (El Salvador and Nicaragua do not have laws on the subject), there is usually no enforcement or it is very lax. Analysis of published serologic surveys of T. cruzi antibodies in blood donors done in 1993, indicating the number of donors and screening coverage for T. cruzi in ten countries of Central and South America indicated that the probability of receiving a potentially infected transfusion unit in each country varied from 1,096 per 10,000 transfusions in Bolivia, the highest, to 13.02 or 13.86 per 10,000 transfusions in Honduras and Venezuela respectively, where screening coverage was 100%. On the other hand the probability of transmitting a T. cruzi infected unit was 219/10,000 in Bolivia, 24/10,000 in Colombia, 17/10,000 in El Salvador, and around 2-12/10,000 for the seven other countries. Infectivity risks defined as the likelihood of being infected when receiving an infected transfusion unit were assumed to be 20% for T. cruzi. Based on this, estimates of the absolute number of infections induced by transfusion indicated that they were 832, 236, and 875 in Bolivia, Chile and Colombia respectively. In all the other countries varied from seven in Honduras to 85 in El Salvador. Since 1993, the situation has improved. At that time only Honduras and Venezuela screened 100% of donors, while seven countries, Argentina, Colombia, El Salvador, Honduras, Paraguay, Uruguay and Venezuela, did the same in 1996. In Central America, without information from Guatemala, the screening of donors for T. cruzi prevented the transfusion of 1,481 infected units and the potential infection of 300 individuals in 1996. In the same year, in seven countries of South America, the screening prevented the transfusion of 36,017 infected units and 7, 201 potential cases of transfusional infection.

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The transmission of the transfusion-associated Chagas disease is an important mechanism of its dissemination in several Latin American countries. The transmission risk depends on five factors: prevalence of infection in blood donors, degree of serological coverage, sensibility of used tests, safety of obtained results and infection risk. The Southern Cone Iniciative set off by the Pan-American Health Organization, in 1991, is contributing to the implementation of blood law in each endemic country, and to reduce the risk of transfusional transmission of this horrible disease. Despite the clear improvement of Brasilian hemotherapy after 1980 (with the creation of the Blood National Program - Pró-Sangue) and the significant reduction of the chagasic infection among its blood donors; socio-economic, politic and cultural unlevels, prevent it from reaching the necessary universality and security. In order to assure both, the Brazilian Ministry of Health decided to restructure its blood system. In May, 1998, a great program was launched, to reach a specific goal: Blood - 100% with quality safety in all its process until 2003. It was divided in 12 projects, intends to guarantee the quality and self sufficiency in blood and hemoderivates.

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Discovered in 1909, Chagas disease was progressively shown to be widespread throughout Latin America, affecting millions of rural people with a high impact on morbidity and mortality. With no vaccine or specific treatment available for large-scale public health interventions, the main control strategy relies on prevention of transmission, principally by eliminating the domestic insect vectors and control of transmission by blood transfusion. Vector control activities began in the 1940s, initially by means of housing improvement and then through insecticide spraying following successful field trials in Brazil (Bambui Research Centre), with similar results soon reproduced in São Paulo, Argentina, Venezuela and Chile. But national control programmes only began to be implemented after the 1970s, when technical questions were overcome and the scientific demonstration of the high social impact of Chagas disease was used to encourage political determination in favour of national campaigns (mainly in Brazil). Similarly, large-scale screening of infected blood donors in Latin America only began in the 1980s following the emergence of AIDS. By the end of the last century it became clear that continuous control in contiguous endemic areas could lead to the elimination of the most highly domestic vector populations - especially Triatoma infestans and Rhodnius prolixus - as well as substantial reductions of other widespread species such as T. brasiliensis, T. sordida, and T. dimidiata, leading in turn to interruption of disease transmission to rural people. The social impact of Chagas disease control can now be readily demonstrated by the disappearance of acute cases and of new infections in younger age groups, as well as progressive reductions of mortality and morbidity rates in controlled areas. In economic terms, the cost-benefit relationship between intervention (insecticide spraying, serology in blood banks) and the reduction of Chagas disease (in terms of medical and social care and improved productivity) is highly positive. Effective control of Chagas disease is now seen as an attainable goal that depends primarily on maintaining political will, so that the major constraints involve problems associated with the decentralisation of public health services and the progressive political disinterest in Chagas disease. Counterbalancing this are the political and technical cooperation strategies such as the "Southern Cone Initiative" launched in 1991. This international approach, coordinated by PAHO, has been highly successful, already reaching elimination of Chagas disease transmission in Uruguay, Chile, and large parts of Brazil and Argentina. The Southern Cone Initiative also helped to stimulate control campaigns in other countries of the region (Paraguay, Bolivia, Peru) which have also reached tangible regional successes. This model of international activity has been shown to be feasible and effective, with similar initiatives developed since 1997 in the Andean Region and in Central America. At present, Mexico and the Amazon Region remain as the next major challenges. With consolidation of operational programmes in all endemic countries, the future focus will be on epidemiological surveillance and care of those people already infected. In political terms, the control of Chagas disease in Latin America can be considered, so far, as a victory for international scientific cooperation, but will require continuing political commitment for sustained success.

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The antimicrobial susceptibility of 176 unusual non-fermentative gram-negative bacilli (NF-GNB) collected from Latin America region through the SENTRY Program between 1997 and 2002 was evaluated by broth microdilution according to the National Committee for Clinical Laboratory Standards (NCCLS) recommendations. Nearly 74% of the NF-BGN belonged to the following genera/species: Burkholderia spp. (83), Achromobacter spp. (25), Ralstonia pickettii (16), Alcaligenes spp. (12), and Cryseobacterium spp. (12). Generally, trimethoprim/sulfamethoxazole (MIC50, < 0.5 µg/ml) was the most potent drug followed by levofloxacin (MIC50, 0.5 µg/ml), and gatifloxacin (MIC50, 1 µg/ml). The highest susceptibility rates were observed for levofloxacin (78.3%), gatifloxacin (75.6%), and meropenem (72.6%). Ceftazidime (MIC50, 4 µg/ml; 83.1% susceptible) was the most active beta-lactam against B. cepacia. Against Achromobacter spp. isolates, meropenem (MIC50, 0.25 µg/ml; 88% susceptible) was more active than imipenem (MIC50, 2 µg/ml). Cefepime (MIC50, 2 µg/ml; 81.3% susceptible), and imipenem (MIC50, 2 µg/ml; 81.3% susceptible) were more active than ceftazidime (MIC50, >16 µg/ml; 18.8% susceptible) and meropenem (MIC50, 8 µg/ml; 50% susceptible) against Ralstonia pickettii. Since selection of the most appropriate antimicrobial agents for testing and reporting has not been established by the NCCLS for many of NF-GNB species, results from large multicenter studies may help to guide the best empiric therapy.

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Emerging resistance phenotypes and antimicrobial resistance rates among pathogens recovered from community-acquired urinary tract infections (CA-UTI) is an increasing problem in specific regions, limiting therapeutic options. As part of the SENTRY Antimicrobial Surveillance Program, a total of 611 isolates were collected in 2003 from patients with CA-UTI presenting at Latin American medical centers. Each strain was tested in a central laboratory using Clinical Laboratory Standard Institute (CLSI) broth microdilution methods with appropriate controls. Escherichia coli was the leading pathogen (66%), followed by Klebsiella spp. (7%), Proteus mirabilis (6.4%), Enterococcus spp. (5.6%), and Pseudomonas aeruginosa (4.6%). Surprisingly high resistance rates were recorded for E. coli against first-line orally administered agents for CA-UTI, such as ampicillin (53.6%), TMP/SMX (40.4%), ciprofloxacin (21.6%), and gatifloxacin (17.1%). Decreased susceptibility rates to TMP/SMX and ciprofloxacin were also documented for Klebsiella spp. (79.1 and 81.4%, respectively), and P. mirabilis (71.8 and 84.6%, respectively). For Enterococcus spp., susceptibility rates to ampicillin, chloramphenicol, ciprofloxacin, and vancomycin were 88.2, 85.3, 55.9, and 97.1%, respectively. High-level resistance to gentamicin was detected in 24% of Enterococcus spp. Bacteria isolated from patients with CA-UTI in Latin America showed limited susceptibility to orally administered antimicrobials, especially for TMP/SMX and fluoroquinolones. Our results highlight the need for developing specific CA-UTI guidelines in geographic regions where elevated resistance to new and old compounds may influence prescribing decisions.