Governança e financiamento do Projeto Calha Norte

Este artigo expõe os resultados da pesquisa de doutoramento no âmbito do PDTU/NAEA/UFPA. Examina, sob a ótica da governança, o Programa Calha Norte (PCN), destinado a proteger e desenvolver a fronteira (Arco Norte) da Amazônia. A análise permite verificar que, a despeito das constantes crises de financiamento do Estado brasileiro ao longo da evolução do Projeto, isto é, de 1986 a 2002, as autoridades governamentais buscaram nutri-lo de condições mínimas de funcionamento, o que reflete o impacto das conjunturas críticas no desenvolvimento de políticas governamentais na Amazônia. Constata-se ainda que, a partir do final do segundo mandato do governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC), em conseqüência da aplicação da Nova Política de Defesa Nacional (PDN), houve um aumento gradativo dos recursos públicos para financiar as ações na fronteira Norte, onde se instala o PCN, com aportes maiores de recursos na administração do presidente Luís Inácio Lula da Silva.

O Congresso Nacional e a política de defesa do Brasil

This research aims to analyze the behavior of the central legislature in five key moments in the institutionalization of defense policy in Brazil: (i) the approval of the first version of the National Defense Policy, (ii) the creation of the Ministry of Defence (iii) the approval of the second version of the National Defense Policy, (iv) the approval of the National Defense Strategy, and (v) the approval of the Supplementary Law No. 136 of 2010 which, among other things, provides for the creation of the Book white National Defense. This process covers the mandates of the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (1995-2010). Besides the description of each of the above moments, we discuss the performance of the country on the agenda of regional and international security and are raised the resources available to Congress in order to strengthen their participation in the formulation of defense policy. The approval processes for each of the policies and laws are related to provide a view of the Legislative Power's capacity or not to change matters that in general have been proposed by the Executive Power. Finally, the study identifies how the progress in the participation of the Legislative Power in matters of defense policy was shy, but important because it signifies the increase of representation in popular theme

Controle e autonomia nas gestões Kirchner e Fernández de Kirchner (2003-2011): a Argentina na construção do Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Controle e autonomia nas gestões Kirchner e Fernández de Kirchner (2003-2011): a Argentina na construção do Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

The Mirage of the State: Why the West has failed in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 15, July 2014

The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.

EU Mission in Kosovo (EULEX): Constructing Ambiguity or Constructive Disunity? Transatlantic Security Paper No. 3, June 2011

In which skies should auspices about the future of EU foreign policy be looked for, Libya’s or Kosovo’s? Many commentators have been prompt in digging the grave for EU Security and Defense Policy after Member States’ discordance over taking military action against the Qaddafi regime1. However, as this paper will emphasize through the case of Kosovo, unanimity is not always an indispensable prerequisite – and should not be regarded as the sole criteria – to EU action in regional security. Overly focusing on the ‘speak with one voice’ mantra sometimes leads to stop short of assessing actual outcomes.

The Weapons of Mass Destruction and the Global Security Strategy of the EU

The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), nuclear, biological and chemical (NBC) is one of the main security challenges facing the international community today. However the new Global Security Strategy of 2016 raises the question of non-proliferation of WMD only as an incidental matter, not addressing directly the threat, a fundamental threat in the regional and global security. This is a clear step backwards for the European common security.

La Unión Europea y la OTAN en el marco de la nueva Estrategia Global de Seguridad de la Unión Europea

El artículo analiza la relación entre la Unión Europea y la OTAN en cuestiones de defensa, según se ha reflejado en las estrategias de seguridad de la Unión Europea, con particular atención a la Estrategia Global de la Unión Europea presentada en 2016. Se estudia la Estrategia de Seguridad Europea de 2003, el Informe de Implementación de 2008, y las nuevas aproximaciones al contexto internacional y a la seguridad europea que se reflejan en la Estrategia Global. Se analiza también el papel de la OTAN, así como la evolución de la política de seguridad de los Estados Unidos hacia Europa durante la Administración Obama. Finalmente se discute el posible futuro de la Política Común de Seguridad y Defensa de la UE (PCSD) después del Bréxit, así como las consecuencias para su relación con la OTAN.

O processo de transformação das Forças Armadas da Alemanha decorrentes da participação das missões internacionais entre 1992 – 2010

No fim da guerra fria, teve início uma nova era para a Bundeswehr. Com a participação em missões no estrangeiro, surgiram novos desafios que influenciaram as diretrizes da defesa, a estrutura da força, a orientação e as necessidades de formação das forças armadas alemãs. Entre 1992 e 2010, foram implementadas alterações profundas para lidar com a nova situação da NATO e da Alemanha na organização. Em 2003, após várias reformas, o ministério da defesa considerou que reformas apenas não eram suficientes, e teve início o chamado processo de transformação. Este processo contínuo influenciou a "face da Bundeswehr mais profundamente do que qualquer outra alteração até à altura. A orientação em missões internacionais era o novo objetivo e uma consequência de experiências na Somália, Bósnia, Kosovo e Afeganistão. Além disso, a crise financeira para as despesas da defesa e a mudança da estrutura da força NATO influenciaram a Bundeswehr de forma semelhante, e impulsionaram a política de defesa alemã também para estas novas direções. A nova Bundeswehr orientada para missões foram moldadas e desenvolvidas de forma diferente, transformação é a nova palavra-chave e este processo contínuo mantém-se até hoje. Abstract: After the end of the cold war a new era began for the Bundeswehr. With the participation in missions out of area, new challenges came up and influenced the defense papers, force structure, orientation and training needs of the German armed forces. Within 1992 and 2010 several far-reaching changes were made, to deal with the new situation of the NATO and Germanys role within the organization. In 2003, after various reforms, reforms only were no longer sufficient in the eyes of acting minister of defense and the so called transformations process was initiated. This continuing process influenced the “face” of the Bundeswehr more deeply than any other changes before. The orientation on out of area missions was the new objective and a consequence from experiences in Somalia, Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan. Beside of that, the financial downturn for defense expenditure and the changing NATO force structure influenced the Bundeswehr in a similar way and pushed the German defense policy into new directions as well. The new mission orientated Bundeswehr was shaped and built up differently, transformation is the new leading word and the ongoing process until today.

Corpo e feminismo : a marcha das vadias de Campinas/SP

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Departamento de Sociologia, 2016.

El rol de los actores subnacionales en la construcción de la política exterior de Japón. Estudio de caso: La disputa territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu entre Japón y China (2001-2014)

El presente estudio de caso tiene como objetivo analizar la influencia de la gobernación de Tokio en la formulación de la política exterior de Japón durante la disputa territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu. Para ello, se identifican los puntos más relevantes de la política exterior de seguridad de Japón después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Se hace un énfasis en la política bilateral de seguridad sino-japonesa, con el fin de ubicar el conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu como un punto importante en la agenda internacional de seguridad de ambos países. Se estudia y analiza el concepto de paradiplomacia; articulado, a su vez, por los conceptos de identidad y rol en política exterior de la perspectiva teórica del Constructivismo de las Relaciones Internacionales, para así analizar la influencia de Tokio en el manejo de la política exterior de Japón en el marco del conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu.

Japanese Scientific And Technology Information in the United States - Public Policy and Private Initiatives

In January 1983 a group of US government, industry and university information specialists gathered at MIT to take stock of efforts to monitor, acquire, assess, and disseminate Japanese scientific and technical information (JSTI). It was agreed that these efforts were uncoordinated and poorly conceived, and that a clearer understanding of Japanese technical information systems and a clearer sense of its importance to end users was necessary. That meeting led to formal technology assessments, Congressinal hearings, and legislation; it also helped stimulate several private initiatives in JSTI provision. Four years later there exist better coordinated and better conceived JSTI programs in both the public and private sectors, but there remains much room for improvement. This paper will recount their development and assess future directions.

The Policy Making Process in FTA Negotiations: A Case Study of Japanese Bilateral EPAs

This paper analyzes Japanese bilateral EPA negotiations, focusing on the areas that each country decided were most important, as well as which actors played the most important roles in each set of negotiations. The negotiations with Mexico and Thailand, which tried to increase agricultural exports to Japan through FTAs, will be discussed. Japan, one should note, still seeks to protect its agricultural sector in spite of the spread of liberalization. The Philippines, Thailand and Malaysia’s efforts to improve and compete in developing their automotive industries, in the face of the completion of AFTA in 2010, are also examined. In addition, this paper discusses whether economic cooperation, the essential Japanese strategy in EPA negotiations, alters the negotiation process in any significant way.

Weapons acquisition policy and procedures : curbing cost growth : report of the Special Panel on Defense Procurement Procedures of the Committee on Armed Services, House of Representatives, Ninety-seventh Congress, first session.

Mode of access: Internet.