961 resultados para Islamism, securitization, security agenda, Uzbekistan


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Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es mostrar las estrategias de las organizaciones socialdemócratas frente a los nuevos desafíos que surgieron con la crisis del petróleo y la aparición de los llamados “valores posmateriales”. Se profundizará en una de las principales: el aumento de la actividad política trasnacional y la creación de comisiones que trabajaron aspectos relacionados con el desarrollo, la seguridad, el armamentismo nuclear y el medio ambiente. Estas comisiones no solo constituyeron un importante cambio frente a las tradiciones precedentes, también influyeron significativamente los desarrollos posteriores en dichas materias

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Thirty-nine participants from 18 countries, including women fishworkers, representatives of fishworker organizations and NGOs, activists and researchers, met at Mahabalipuram, India, during 7-10 July 2010, to discuss the theme “Recasting the Net: Defining a Gender Agenda for Sustaining Life and Livelihoods in Fishing Communities”. The workshop was meant to reflect on what needs to be done to develop a ‘gender agenda’ for sustaining life and livelihoods in fisheries. It was also organized against the backdrop of the growing international recognition of small-scale fisheries and efforts to enhance their contribution to food security and poverty alleviation, as evidenced in the deliberations of the the Committee on Fisheries (COFI) of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). This publication—the proceedings of the Mahabalipuram workshop—will be useful for fishworker organizations, gender activists, researchers, policymakers, fish farmers, members of civil society and anyone interested in gender, fisheries and livelihoods. (PDF contains 89 pages)

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There is compelling evidence that increased gender equity can make a significant contribution towards alleviating poverty and increasing food security. But past efforts to integrate gender into agricultural research and development practice have failed to address the inequalities that limit women’s access to agricultural inputs, markets, resources and advice. A Gender Transformative Approach (GTA) goes beyond just considering the symptoms of gender inequality, and addresses the social norms, attitudes, behaviors and social systems that underlie them. The CGIAR Research Program on Aquatic Agricultural Systems (AAS) has placed the GTA at the heart of its gender strategy. This workshop was an opportunity for researchers, practitioners and donors working in this area to address the challenge of how to translate this approach into actual research and development practice. The workshop recommended that a GTA should be adopted alongside, not instead of, existing efforts to reverse gender disparities in resources, technologies and markets. It is through this pairing that improved social and material outcomes can be achieved, with the expectation that when achieved together, both types of outcomes will be more lasting than if achieved individually.

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Esta dissertação trata do que se entende como terrorismo após os atentados de setembro de 2001, seja como lógica de ação ou como método de ação. A partir desta data, o terrorismo alcançou enorme projeção e passou a figurar como tema central tanto na imprensa cotidiana quanto em reuniões internacionais de cúpula. O fenômeno era, muitas vezes, historicamente circunscrito às nações que enfrentavam esse problema. Após o Onze de Setembro, o debate expandiu-se e as políticas, e a propaganda, antiterroristas incidiram sobre a sociedade, modificando comportamentos individuais e coletivos. A associação entre Islamismo e terrorismo foi frequente e a Guerra Contra ao Terror (GCT), promovida pela política externa norte-americana de George W. Bush, contribuiu para difundir uma percepção do terrorismo como uma lógica de ação afeita à violência em si. Isso contrasta com a percepção quanto a grupos terroristas de momentos históricos anteriores, cujo recurso ao terrorismo era compreendido como método de ação com valor instrumental para alcançar objetivos políticos diversos, como a emancipação nacional e a desestabilização de regimes políticos estabelecidos. O estudo de caso da Organização de Xangai (OCX) visa demonstrar que a identificação entre terrorismo e Islã leva ao equívoco de compreender os grupos terroristas contemporâneos islâmicos, com lógicas próprias, como uma fenômeno só o que leva à imprecisão de atribuir ao terrorismo o caráter de primeiro fenômeno macro-securitizado. Este breve histórico da ascensão do terrorismo na agenda política contemporânea, mediante a análise do processo securitizador tanto na GCT quanto na Organização de Cooperação de Xangai, serve como referência para as análises contidas no trabalho que o leitor tem em mãos, uma vez que o sentido atribuído ao terrorismo só pode ser entendido em termos dos atores políticos envolvidos na sua definição e no contexto em qual o fazem. Na OCX, o verificou-se o entendimento do terrorismo como método de ação de grupos separatistas, o que não corresponde à ideia do terrorismo como lógica de ação contida na GCT.

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Williams, Mike, 'Words, Images, Enemies: Securitization and International Politics', International Studies Quarterly (2003) 47(4) pp.511-531 RAE2008

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McInnes, C., Lee, K. (2006). Health, security and foreign policy. Review of International Studies, 32 (1), 5-23. RAE2008

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Introduction

Belfast has been a focus of academic attention for the last forty years with most interest centred on various aspects of ‘the Troubles’. Where there has been interest in the built environment, it has largely been about how the ‘security situation’ impacted directly on architecture and on the design and layout of social housing. This paper seeks to go beyond this to explore how the political- administrative culture of ‘the Troubles’ interacted with ‘normal’ market forces to shape the central area of the city, and to consider the responses of a recently formed activist group, known as the Forum for Alternative Belfast (hereafter referred to as the Forum). The paper is written by three of the directors of the Forum.1 Moreover, the empirical research presented here was undertaken by the Forum as part of a campaign to address issues relating to the design, layout and quality of Belfast’s built environment. In the longstanding tradition of participant observation working within an action-research paradigm, the participants have attempted to offer an account that is evidentially and purposefully selfcritical and reflective. It is of course recognised that while this approach offers many positive attributes, such as phenomenological access through immersion in the project, it also has the potential to bring compromise on research detachment and objectivity.2 To address the latter, the authors have attempted
to avoid polemical argument, and to support claims with primary or secondary research evidence. The authors also acknowledge that action-research has a chequered history; however, they would argue
that their approach is faithful to a concept that sees ‘research’ defined as understanding and ‘action’ defined as seeking change. The Forum’s very purpose is to seek change, but to do this requires evidence, collaboration and demonstration. And in this sense, it is a learning process for all participants, including the research activists, government officials, community organisations and students. The authors also recognise the complexity of factors that affect urban management and change, particularly in a city such as Belfast, which has had to cope with political violence for over thirty years. And they appreciate that in the context of conflict, governance is skewed to cope with political realities. Hamdi reminds us, however, that in practice there is an ‘important dialectic between top-down planning, with its formal and designed laws and structures, and bottom-up selforganizing collectivism—those “quantum and emergent systems” which Jane Jacobs argued long ago give cities their life and order.’3

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The outbreak of revolt and revolution in the Middle East has given rise to a re-consideration of threat and security analyses as they pertain to the region and beyond. The resilience of some authoritarian regimes and the rapid collapse of others signal a significant transition within the region to which jihadi Islamist groups form one part of a powerful matrix. This article analyses the part and place of jihadi Islamism and Islamisms more generally in the revolts and revolutions. The article contends that events provide both opportunities and threats in strategies aimed at countering terrorism in the Middle East.

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The pull of Software-Defined Networking (SDN) is magnetic. There are few in the networking community who have escaped its impact. As the benefits of network visibility and network device programmability are discussed, the question could be asked as to who exactly will benefit? Will it be the network operator or will it, in fact, be the network intruder? As SDN devices and systems hit the market, security in SDN must be raised on the agenda. This paper presents a comprehensive survey of the research relating to security in software-defined networking that has been carried out to date. Both the security enhancements to be derived from using the SDN framework and the security challenges introduced by the framework are discussed. By categorizing the existing work, a set of conclusions and proposals for future research directions are presented.

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The rapid growth of the populous Asian economies provokes profound economic changes and a shift in the balance of power. On the economic front, Asian leaders are confronted with the need to preserve the stability that has underpinned their prosperity, maintain an environment conducive to trade and investments and encourage domestic consumption while avoiding ecological disasters. Internationally, business competition will intensify with the strong presence of Asian manufacturers in global supply chains, growing price competition from Asian firms in domestic markets and global competition for energy, food, minerals and other commodities. Geopolitical concerns stem, in part, from Asia’s global quest for critical resources, conflicting territorial and maritime disputes and increasing military expenditures which affect security dynamics. China’s assertiveness over its periphery prompts an arm’s race in the region and concerns about Sino-American relations even though U.S.-Chinese relations may be less risky than China’s relations with its neighbours. The United States remains a key player in the Asia-Pacific region, with the capacity to alter balances and affect outcomes. Globally, the United States capacity to lead is now diminished and will continue to be so for the foreseeable future. Since no rising power is capable of exercising global leadership, a return to the "old normal" where no one power in geopolitical or economic terms dominates the world is to be expected.

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La cuestión de los Estados fallidos se ha ido constituyendo como uno de los principales temas de seguridad en el sistema internacional. Ello se debe a que se asume que las principales amenazas para la paz y la estabilidad internacional como el terrorismo, el crimen organizado o la proliferación de armas de destrucción masiva surgen de aquellos Estados considerados como débiles o fallidos. Este discurso es el resultado de la vinculación de una agenda académica con la agenda política de los Estados Unidos y va a ser el marco en el cual se suscribe el presente trabajo.

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Las tensiones geopolíticas entre Kirguistán y Uzbekistán por el Valle de Fergana durante el periodo 2001-2010 a partir de un análisis histórico de la formación de la población y la influencia de los diferentes imperios en la región. Adicionalmente, los aspectos relativos a la importancia de los recursos energéticos en el Valle de Fergana como la configuración de las tensiones generadas entre estos dos países, haciendo énfasis en el conflicto étnico latente que se ha generado en la zona. De se utilizarán la teoría constructivista de Alexander Wendt y la teoría de la geopolítica de Yves Lacoste.

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El objetivo general de la presente monografía es analizar la incidencia de los cambios en el entorno regional en la reformulación de la agenda de seguridad de Japón y en el Tratado de Seguridad Nipo-Americano durante el periodo 2001-2010. Para llevar a cabo este objetivo es necesario abordar, como un primer capítulo, los cambios en el escenario regional que representan un desafío para la seguridad de Japón. En el segundo capítulo, se describirá el alcance y ajustes que ha tenido la alianza Nipo-Americana; finalmente, en el tercer capítulo se explicará como Japón ha reformulado su agenda de seguridad en respuesta a los nuevos desafíos regionales.

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Este trabajo se enmarcará en la primera presidencia de George W. Bush y más específicamente entre el 11 de septiembre de 2001 cuando se dio el ataque a las torres gemelas y la invasión a Afganistán el 7 de octubre de este mismo año. En consecuencia lo que se busca con este estudio es demostrar que el gobierno estadounidense se ayuda de herramientas y elementos como la comunicación política, la fijación de agenda y el discurso para la inscripción del concepto terrorismo en la agenda gubernamental. Es así como genera un gran poder de influencia a nivel local logrando que los ciudadanos se tornen hacia el Estado y al mismo tiempo logra apoyo internacional generando el clima perfecto para legitimar la guerra anti-terrorista como una respuesta a los hechos ocurridos.

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El trabajo conceptualista la teoría de Complejos de Seguridad Regional, permitiendo tener una compresión amplia del mismo. Hace un análisis de la estrategia de seguridad costarricense, evocando momentos históricos para su construcción. Contextualiza las dinámicas de securitización generadas en Centro América y de esta forma concluye cómo Costa Rica ha respondido a estas dinámicas y qué tan efectivas fueron sus políticas en cuestiones de seguridad, al igual en cómo el subcomplejo se ve afectado por esta estrategia.