953 resultados para Irrigation districts


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The aim of this survey is to assess the microbiological impact of irrigation water on lettuces produced on two urban agricultural sites and sold on markets; 6 and 7%, respectively, of lettuces coming from the sites of Pikine and Patte d'Oie were Salmonella spp. positive. Lettuces irrigated with shallow groundwater (''Ceanes'' water) were more contaminated (8% at both Pikine and Patte d'Oie sites) compared to those irrigated with wastewater (4% at Pikine) or well water (5% at Patte d'Oie). As for the lettuces in marketplaces, their contamination seems to depend on the type of treatment occurring before sale. Lettuces previously washed in the ``Ceanes'' were more contaminated than those rinsed with tap water at the marketplace. Salmonella spp. have been isolated from all marketplaces. However, the rates of contamination in markets surrounding Patte d'Oie are higher (9 and 11% at Grand Yoff and Dalifort) than those surrounding Pikine (4 and 2% at Zinc and Sham) or Rufisque, the control (2%). Our results confirm that the reuse of wastewater in irrigation is an alternative to animal manure. Its risk of microbial contamination can be significantly reduced by washing the vegetables with tap water before they are sold. Copyright (C) 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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The study was undertaken in eight endemic districts of Orissa, India, to find the members of the species complexes of Anopheles culicifacies and Anopheles fluviatilis and their distribution patterns. The study area included six forested districts (Keonjhar, Angul, Dhenkanal, Ganjam, Nayagarh and Khurda) and two non-forested coastal districts (Puri and Jagatsingpur) studied over a period of two years (June 2007-May 2009). An. culicifacies A, B, C and D and An. fluviatilis S and T sibling species were reported. The prevalence of An. culicifacies A ranged from 4.2-8.41%, B from 54.96-76.92%, C from 23.08-33.62% and D from 1.85-5.94% (D was reported for the first time in Orissa, except for occurrences in the Khurda and Nayagarh districts). The anthropophilic indices (AI) were 3.2-4.8%, 0.5-1.7%, 0.7-1.37% and 0.91-1.35% for A, B, C and D, respectively, whereas the sporozoite rates (SR) were 0.49-0.54%, 0%, 0.28-0.37% and 0.41-0.46% for A, B, C and D, respectively. An. fluviatilis showed a similarly varied distribution pattern in which S was predominant (84.3% overall); its AI and SR values ranged from 60.7-90.4% and 1.2-2.32%, respectively. The study observed that the co-existence of potential vector sibling species of An. culicifacies (A, C and D) and An. fluviatilis S (> 50%) was responsible for the high endemicity of malaria in forested districts such as Dhenkanal, Keonjhar, Angul, Ganjam, Nayagarh and Khurda (> 5% slide positivity rate). Thus, the epidemiological scenario for malaria is dependent on the distribution of the vector sibling species and their vectorial capacity.

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In the ornamental plant production region of Girona (Spain), which is one of the largest of its kind in southern Europe, most of the surface is irrigated using wide blocked-end furrows. The objectives of this paper were: (1) to evaluate the irrigation scheduling methods used by ornamental plant producers; (2) to analyse different scenarios inorder to assess how they affect irrigation performance; (3) to evaluate the risk of deep percolation; and (4) to calculategross water productivity. A two-year study in a representative commercial field, planted with Prunus cerasifera ‘Nigra’, was carried out. The irrigation dose applied by the farmers was slightly smaller than the required water dose estimated by the use of two different methods: the first based on soil water content, and the second based on evapotranspiration. Distribution uniformity and application efficiency were high, with mean values above 87%. Soil water contentmeasurements revealed that even at the end of the furrow, where the infiltrated water depth was greatest, more than 90% of the infiltrated water was retained in the shallowest 40 cm of the soil; accordingly, the risk of water loss due to deep percolation was minimal. Gross water productivity for ornamental tree production was € 11.70 m–3, approximately 20 times higher than that obtained with maize in the same region

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Since the mid 90's, international actors as well as governmental actors have raised their interest into the development of irrigation's potential that is still largely unexploited in Niger. It seems all the more interesting as it could answer the needs of a fast growing population (3.3% per year). However, if everyone agrees on the need to development this system, the current implementation triggers questions on the process itself and its side effects. National and international policies on this matter were build upon an historical process through colonial, post-colonial and then the late 1980's neoliberal structures, leading to a business model that reveals a discrepancy between the state logic and the farming one. This business model asks for a high capacity of mobilization of resources unachievable for many, especially when they want to address small-scale irrigation (area irrigation and the evolution of land tenure systems. The empirical analysis raise three main questions that concern the issue of secure land rights through the modern law, the commoditization of land and land access for the producers. The department of Gaya has a large potential of accessible water resources that allowed an extensive production of fruits and vegetables since the 1980's. These productions were developed at first by the local farmers, but the high value added engendered then attracted external players as well, such as civil servants and merchants. The World Bank supported this momentum through the development of a business type project. Unfortunately, it reached mostly the new external players and local elites rather than the small farmers, notably due to the high illiteracy rate among farmers. In terms of land tenure analysis, the project excluded all farmers cultivating land on a loan or lease agreement and all those for whom it was difficult to obtain a title of ownership. However, this new interest for small-scale irrigation exerted by the project and the new players triggered the commoditization of land. As a matter of fact, the demographic constraints and the fragmentation of the familial land ownership led to a more individual production system, where the customary relation to land tenure is weakened or even overcome. This makes it easier for the new players who need to settle their small-scale irrigation projects to purchase land. When there are only few areas available for selling, the. purchasing processes are undermining the farmers with insecure rights. If the withdrawal of lands is supposed to be smoothened by social measures, such as replacement of the land and primary offers to purchase the land, those measures are often not attractive. The proposed land of replacement is frequently too far away located or lesser fertile to be of any use and the economic capacity of purchasing is too little, eventually leading the farmers to leave their terroirs. Those in charge of the application of the Rural Code have succeeding in answering the need of written secured land tenure, but have difficulty to meet the challenge of doing the same to secure rights for farmers with loans or lease agreements. The small-scale irrigation could bring an answer for their financial needs to buy the land, but it would require mobilizing resources to invest or an easier access to supportive projects. The economic benefice from small-scale irrigation is now widely recognized, but we have to take also into account the risks of marginalization of part of the small farmers. For a more widely spread exploitation of small-scale irrigation, the mechanism of land regulation as well as the process to access the financial and technical support of projects must be revised in order to reach more small farmers. Développement de l'irrigation et évolution des régimes fonciers dans la région de Gaya (Niger) - Le secteur de l'irrigation a bénéficié d'un regain d'intérêt de la part des acteurs internationaux du développement et de l'Etat nigérien depuis le milieu des années 1990. Cet intérêt est à la hauteur du potentiel en terres irrigables (300Ό00 ha environ) du pays, largement sous-exploité alors que les besoins alimentaires sont grandissants, la population augmentant de 3.3% par an. Si le diagnostic est correct, les stratégies mises en oeuvre en matière d'irrigation posent question. Les interventions, aussi bien publiques qu'internationales, reposent sur un modèle entrepreneurial qui parachève une longue trajectoire historique. Initiée par l'Etat colonial, poursuivie par l'Etat post-colonial et transformé par les politiques néolibérales des années 1980, elle se caractérise par un hiatus constant entre logiques étatiques et logiques paysannes. En matière de petite irrigation privée (surfaces < 1-2 ha, technologies à faible coût), ce modèle présuppose une mobilisation de ressources (économiques, sociales, éducationnelles et foncières) inégalement réparties au sein de la population rurale. Cette recherche s'est intéressée à expliciter les liens qui existent entre le développement de la petite irrigation privée et l'évolution des régimes fonciers. Les trois questionnements qui ont guidé l'analyse empirique portent sur la sécurisation foncière, les dynamiques de marchandisation de la terre et l'accès à la terre pour tous les producteurs. Le Département de Gaya dispose d'un potentiel très important en ressources hydriques, facilement mobilisables. Les productions maraîchères et fruitières ont connu un essor très important à partir des années 1980. Initialement pratiquées par les cultivateurs, elles ont progressivement attiré l'attention d'acteurs externes au monde rural (fonctionnaires, commerçants), du fait de leur haute valeur ajoutée. La Banque mondiale a fortement soutenu cette dynamique à travers un projet à vocation entrepreneuriale, qui s'est pourtant révélé hors de portée de la majorité des petits paysans et a principalement bénéficié à ces acteurs extra-ruraux ainsi qu'à certaines élites locales. Au plan foncier, il a en particulier exclu tous les emprunteurs des terres, qui ne sont pas à même de produire des documents écrits confirmant leurs droits sur la terre. Ce projet, et plus largement l'intérêt que les acteurs extra-ruraux portent à la petite irrigation, ont contribué à alimenter la marchandisation de la terre. Sans ancrage familial dans les terroirs villageois, ces acteurs sont obligés d'acheter la terre pour faire de l'irrigation. Leur demande vient s'inscrire dans un contexte général où la pression démographique et le morcellement successif des capitaux fonciers familiaux ont progressivement individualisé la relation entre les producteurs et la terre, au point d'affaiblir ou de faire tomber les interdits coutumiers en matière de vente. Dans les espaces disposant de faibles réserves foncières, les ventes se font principalement au détriment des acteurs qui, comme les emprunteurs, disposent de droits fonciers peu stables et sécurisés. Si le retrait de la terre est socialement encadré (terre en remplacement, possibilité d'acheter la terre qui va être vendue), il pose également des contraintes agronomiques (sols de moindre qualité) et économiques (nécessité de disposer des liquidités pour racheter la terre) qui peuvent, en dernier ratio, obligent les acteurs concernés à quitter les terroirs. Les instances du Code rural, qui ont su apporter des réponses satisfaisantes à la demande de sécurisation foncière par l'établissement de documents écrits, rencontrent aujourd'hui de grandes difficultés à en faire de même pour les droits de prêt. Dans ce contexte, l'irrigation peut apporter les sommes nécessaires à l'achat des terres. Encore faut-il que ces emprunteurs disposent des ressources financières propres pour la développer ou qu'ils puissent y avoir accès grâce à l'appui d'un projet. Si l'intérêt économique de la petite irrigation privée est indiscutable, les risques de marginalisation d'une partie de producteurs ruraux qu'elle peut produire sont bien réels. Pour en faire une activité accessible au plus grand nombre, il faut revoir les mécanismes de régulation foncière, ainsi que les montages techniques et financiers qui supportent le développement de ce secteur d'activité très prometteur.

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At the request of the Government Oversight Committee, the Ombudsman gathered information regarding competition by county Soil and Water Conservation Districts (SWCD) with small business through the sale of products and services. The goal of the Ombudsman’s review was to assist the Government Oversight Committee (Committee) in gaining an objective understanding of the issues so the Committee can ascertain whether there is a problem that requires legislation this legislative session. The Ombudsman focused on gathering specific information from four SWCD offices in central Iowa; Dallas, Greene, Guthrie and Jasper. These offices were specifically identified in documentation presented to the Government Oversight Committee by affected small business owners (contractors), Jon Judson of Diversity Farms and Dan Brouse of Iowa Restorations. However, with 100 SWCDs in Iowa,1 each with their own elected commissioners and each with different practices, priorities and fundraising activities, what the Ombudsman learned about these four counties may not be applicable to all the SWCDs in Iowa. The Ombudsman assigned the case to the Assistant Citizens’ Aide/Ombudsman for Small Business, Kristie Hirschman. For reference purposes in this report, actions taken by Ms. Hirschman will be ascribed to the Ombudsman.

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Report on a special investigation of the Fifth and Eighth Judicial Districts Department of Correctional Services (Districts) for the period January 1, 2003 through June 30, 2006

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The old, understudied electoral system composed of multi-member districts, open ballot and plurality rule is presented as the most remote scene of the origin of both political parties and new electoral systems. A survey of the uses of this set of electoral rules in different parts of the world during remote and recent periods shows its wide spread. A model of voting by this electoral system demonstrates that, while it can produce varied and pluralistic representation, it also provides incentives to form factional or partisan candidacies. Famous negative reactions to the emergence of factions and political parties during the 18th and 19th centuries are reinterpreted in this context. Many electoral rules and procedures invented since the second half of the 19th century, including the Australian ballot, single-member districts, limited and cumulative ballots, and proportional representation rules, derived from the search to reduce the effects of the originating multi-member district system in favor of a single party sweep. The general relations between political parties and electoral systems are restated to account for the foundational stage here discussed.