860 resultados para Iraq War, 2003-


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Since the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, epidemics of birth defects and cancers are rising in many Iraqi cities. In 2012, the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Iraqi Ministry of Health (MoH) undertook a large-scale epidemiological study to determine the prevalence of birth defects in the Iraqi population. A report which appeared on the WHO website in September 2013, claims that "The rates for spontaneous abortion, stillbirths and congenital birth defects found in the [Iraq] study are consistent with or even lower than international estimates." This article discusses the severe shortcomings of this report and questions its reliability .

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Neoconservatism reached its zenith as a school of thought when it became associated with the Iraq War. Although the war was largely considered a failure, it raised the profile of neoconservatism as a school of thought. Many studies were completed which pointed to the influence of prominent members of the George W. Bush administration who were considered to be ideologically neoconservative. When Obama won the presidency in 2008, it was assumed that the influence of neoconservatives, or neoconservatism more broadly, would be over. However, given neoconservatism’s historical foundations and the tenacity of its adherents it seemed important to consider whether this has been the case. Therefore, this thesis set out to answer the question: To what extent have neoconservatives, and neoconservatism more broadly, influenced foreign policy debates during the Obama administration? I argue that neoconservatism has remained not only salient within foreign policy debates, but prominent in these debates, during Obama’s two terms in office. An examination of US foreign policy towards the nuclear crisis in Iran and the Syrian civil war indicates that neoconservatism had a substantive influence on the policy debates and the options considered within them, particularly in Congress. In some instances, neoconservative policy entrepreneurs contributed to legislation. Furthermore, this thesis finds that neoconservatism has been the predominant approach to foreign policy within the Republican Party on the issues of Iran and Syria during the period under review.

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The three main contributors to the war on Iraq in March 2003 (the United States, United Kingdom and Australia) are also the three most significant countries in which Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation operates. This article examines the degree of editorial conformity (or otherwise) that existed across the news media of News Corporation in six months leading to the invasion. It compares the framing of the arguments for war and finds significant similarities across the three countries, especially in the output of columnists and commentators employed by News Corporation. While generally pro-war, however, News Corporation outlets also displayed local variations in the caution or stridency of their editorial pitch as well as the degree of toleration for debate. The extent and significance of these variations are used in the article to argue for the development of a more complex political economy model in the study of private news media bias.

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Shepherd, Alistair, 'Irrelevant or Indispensable? ESDP, the ?War on Terror' and the Fallout from Iraq', International Politics (2006) 43(1) pp.71-92 RAE2008

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In this paper we argue that the term “capitalism” is no longer useful for understanding the current system of political economic relations in which we live. Rather, we argue that the system can be more usefully characterised as neofeudal corporatism. Using examples drawn from a 300,000 word corpus of public utterances by three political leaders from the “coalition of the willing”— George W. Bush, Tony Blair, and John Howard—we show some defining characteristics of this relatively new system and how they are manifest in political language about the invasion of Iraq.

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Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa

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Mild traumatic brain injury (TBI) is a common source of morbidity from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. With no overt lesions on structural MRI, diagnosis of chronic mild TBI in military veterans relies on obtaining an accurate history and assessment of behavioral symptoms that are also associated with frequent comorbid disorders, particularly posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression. Military veterans from Iraq and Afghanistan with mild TBI (n = 30) with comorbid PTSD and depression and non-TBI participants from primary (n = 42) and confirmatory (n = 28) control groups were assessed with high angular resolution diffusion imaging (HARDI). White matter-specific registration followed by whole-brain voxelwise analysis of crossing fibers provided separate partial volume fractions reflecting the integrity of primary fibers and secondary (crossing) fibers. Loss of white matter integrity in primary fibers (P < 0.05; corrected) was associated with chronic mild TBI in a widely distributed pattern of major fiber bundles and smaller peripheral tracts including the corpus callosum (genu, body, and splenium), forceps minor, forceps major, superior and posterior corona radiata, internal capsule, superior longitudinal fasciculus, and others. Distributed loss of white matter integrity correlated with duration of loss of consciousness and most notably with "feeling dazed or confused," but not diagnosis of PTSD or depressive symptoms. This widespread spatial extent of white matter damage has typically been reported in moderate to severe TBI. The diffuse loss of white matter integrity appears consistent with systemic mechanisms of damage shared by blast- and impact-related mild TBI that involves a cascade of inflammatory and neurochemical events. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

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Charting the enduring export appeal of policing models from (Northern) Ireland, this article sheds some light on the processes by which policing models are communicated and actively promoted to the global policing environment. The authors demonstrate how the transplantation of the Irish colonial model (ICM) represents an early example of the globalization of policing. The legacy of counterinsurgency expertise embedded within the ICM remains a historical constant and is a key factor in relation to the increasing commodification of the contemporary Northern Irish policing model, a model that successfully blends counterterrorism experience with a template for democratic policing reform. By juxtaposing these models, the authors provide a conceptual framework through which to assess the contemporary substance of policing transfer. The authors conclude by suggesting that the seductiveness of these policing models is largely attributable to lessons in counterinsurgency and notions of "Ireland as the solution" to a host of complex security scenarios.

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This article assesses the effect that leveraging civilian defense force militias has on the dynamics of violence in civil war. We argue that the delegation of security and combat roles to local civilians shifts the primary targets of insurgent violence toward civilians, in an attempt to deter future defections, and re-establish control over the local population. This argument is assessed through an analysis of the Sunni Awakening and ancillary Sons of Iraq paramilitary program. The results suggest that at least in the Al-Anbar province of Iraq, the utilization of the civilian population in counterinsurgent roles had significant implications for the targets of insurgent violence.