463 resultados para Ideologies


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A semiotic theory of systems derived from language would have the purpose of classifying all the systems of linguistic expression: philosophy, ideology, myth, poetry, art, as much as the dream, lapsus, and free association in a pluridimensional matrix that will interact with many diversified fields. In each one of these discourses it is necessary to consider a plurality of questions, the essence of which will only be comprehensible by the totality; it will be necessary to ask, in the first place, what will be the purpose of this language, what function does it fulfill and for which reason has it been constructed. The concept of World vision (WV) is introduced and its relation with Generalized Collective Conscience (GCC) and Particularized Collective Conscience. Culture implies a particular WV. Culture creates GCC. The semantic field is a structure that formalizes the units of a certain culture constituting a portion of the vision of the Reality that owns this culture. An ecological case is explained.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Discussing the relationship between ideology and language, this volume links structures of society, cognition and discourse. Ideologies, such as socially shared belief systems of groups, have to be inferred from more directly observable structures of cognition, interaction and the society. The notion of "opinion" and its complex relations to discourse and ideology are examined. Contributors to the debates in this volume include Michael Billig, Paul Chilton, David Graddol, Ulrike Meinhof and Kay Richardson.

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At the beginning of the 80s new approaches to translation were emerging in such a way that, in the global context of postmodernism and poststructuralism, they provoked a reassessment of Translation Studies (TS), acknowledging ideologies as a relevant concept to TS and considering the political and visible role of the translator. This introduction aims to establish a basic theoretical framework in which we can develop an analysis of the ‘alterations’ that, consciously or unconsciously, translators have imposed on Le deuxième sexe (1949, Gallimard) by Simone de Beauvoir for the last fifty years. Furthermore, it is essential to examine the divergences of the censoring attitude adopted by the first male translators (Parshley, Palant and Milliet) who considered this text to be a sex manual, and the one adopted by more recent female translators (Martorell and Simons) who considered it to be a philosophical book on feminism. Nevertheless, despite this tendency to consider that translators are the only professionals responsible for the translation process, it is necessary to bear in mind the work carried out by the paratranslator, who is the real censor and ‘decider’ of the way a work is presented to the translation community. Paratranslators work with paratexts (also known as ‘analysis-spaces’), and this makes it possible to study the ideological adaptation that a cultural object undergoes when it is incorporated into a new culture and society (covers, volumes, tables of contents, titles, iconic or visual elements and so forth). In short, the analysis of the texts and paratexts of Le deuxième sexe, along with its subsequent translations and rewritings into Spanish, Portuguese and English, will help reveal the function of the censoring apparatus and demonstrate the essential role that –without exception– ideologies play in the professional work of translation and paratranslation, since they have a decisive influence on the reception of the cultural (and ideological) object, in both the society in which it is created and that in which it is received.

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A little explored factor posited as underlying most managerial and organizational variables is work ideology. Work ideologies are surveyed to begin to show their ability to be studied and that patterned differences may be discovered. The author surveys several samples of students and managers pursuing careers in either the hospitality industry or business to show patterned differences in work ideologies and to note these implications

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The topic of the thesis is media discourse about current state if income inequality in the US, and political ideologies as influences behind the discourse. The data consists of four opinion articles, two from CNN and two from Fox News. The purpose of the study was to examine how media represents income inequality as an issue, and if the attitudes conveyed are concerned or indifferent. Previous studies have indicated that the level of income is often seen as a personal responsibility, and such perspective can be linked with Republican ideology. In contrast, the Democrats typically express more concern about the consequences of inequality. CNN has been previously considered to have a Democratic bias, and Fox News has been considered to have Republican bias, which is one reason why these two news channels were chosen as the sources of the data. The study is a critical discourse analysis, and the methods applied were sociocognitive approach, which analyzes the social and cognitive factors affecting the discourse, and appraisal framework, which was applied to scrutinize the expressed attitudes more closely by identifyind specific linguistic features. The appraisal framework includes studying such features as affect, judgment and appreciation, which offer a more detailed analysis on the attitudes present in the articles. The sociocognitive approach, additionally, offers a way of analyzing a more broad context affecting the articles. The findings were then compared, to see if there are differences between the articles, or between the news sites with alleged bias. The findings showed that CNN, with alleged Democratic bias, had a more symphatetic attitude towards income inequality, whereas Fox News, with more Republican views, showed clearly less concern towards the issue. Moreover, the Fox News articles had such dubious claims that the underlying ideology behind the articles could be even supporting of income inequality, as it allows the rich to pursue all the wealth they can without having to give anything away. The results, thus, suggest that the political ideologies may a significant effect on media discourse, which, in turn, may have a significant effect on the attitudes of the public towards great issues that could require prompt measures.

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

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Shell mounds ceased to be built in many parts of coastal northern Australia about 800-600 years ago. They are the subject of stories told by Aboriginal people and some have been incorporated in ritual and political activities during the last 150 ears. These understandings emerged only after termination of the economic and environmental system that created them, 800-600 years ago, in a number of widely separated coastal regions, Modern stories and treatments of these mounds by Aboriginal people concern modern or near-modern practices. Modern views of the mounds, their mythological and ritual associations, may be explained by reference to the socioeconomic transitions seen in the archaeological record; but the recent cultural, social and symbolic statements about these places cannot inform us of the process or ideology concerned with the formation of the mounds. Many Aboriginal communities over the last half a millennium actively,formed understandings of new landscapes and systems of land use. Attempts to impose historic ideologies and cosmologies on earlier times fail to acknowledge the magnitude and rate of economic and ideological change on the tropical coastline of Australia.

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This paper draws on data from a group case study of women in higher education management in Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand. I investigate culture-specific dimensions of what the Western literature has conceptualized as glass ceiling impediments to women's career advancement in higher education. I frame my argument within recent debates about globalization and glocalization to show how the push-pull and disjunctive dynamics of globalization are experienced in local sites by social actors who traverse global flows and yet remain tethered to local discourses, values, and practices. All of the women in this study were trained in Western universities and are fluent English speakers, world-class experts in their fields, well versed with equity discourses, and globally connected on international nongovernment organization (NGO) and academic circuits. They are indeed global cosmopolitans. And yet their testimonies indicate that so-called Asian values and religious-cultural ideologies demand the enactment of a specific construct of Asian femininity that militates against meritocratic equality and academic career aspirations to senior management levels. Despite the global nature of the University and increasing global flows of academics, students, and knowledge, the politics of academic glass ceilings are not universal but always locally inflected with cultural values and norms. As such, the politics of disadvantage for women in higher education require local and situated analyses in the context of global patterns of the educational status Of women and the changing nature of higher education.

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O trabalho se prop??e a oferecer uma modesta contribui????o ao estudo da hist??ria das reformas administrativas realizadas no Brasil a partir da primeira metade do s??culo XX. Mais do que apresentar uma cronologia de fatos e um repert??rio de projetos, recupera as narrativas e an??lises dos estudiosos do tema para identificar as diferentes explica????es para os sucessos e insucessos do passado e estabelecer um sistema de categorias que seja ??til ?? compreens??o da din??mica hist??rica. Relatos, narrativas, teoriza????es, interpreta????es e ideologias se confundem. Em qualquer um dos casos, constituem representa????es do mundo administrativo brasileiro, quer dizer, apresentam-se como formas simb??licas de um Estado em transforma????o.

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O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar como os meios de comunicação ajudam a construir a representação social da violência de gênero contra a mulher no Espírito Santo, que lidera o ranking nacional de feminicídios, com taxa de 9,8 homicídios para cada 100 mil mulheres. Elegemos como corpus de pesquisa notícias sobre violência de gênero no ES, veiculadas no ano de 2013, nos jornais A Gazeta e A Tribuna. Em hipótese, acreditamos que essas notícias ajudam a construir representações sociais acerca da violência de gênero a partir da apresentação de estereótipos de vítima e agressor na sociedade, da individualização do problema da violência, da associação desse problema às classes sociais menos privilegiadas e da apresentação do crime de violência de gênero como crime passional. O estudo dessas notícias apresenta-se como algo complexo, do qual não participam apenas informações de ordem linguística, mas também de carácter social, histórico, cultural e cognitivo, uma vez que a análise discursiva não pode ser dissociada do contexto, dos atores sociais e das instituições envolvidas na produção da notícia, bem como das ideologias presentes nesse processo. Por esse motivo, assumimos como base teórica de nossa investigação uma proposta multidisciplinar: a Teoria Sociocognitiva de Teun A. van Dijk (1999a; 2011a; 2012; 2014b). Ademais, contamos com as contribuições dos estudos sobre gênero e discurso de Cameron (1985, 1997), Wodak (1997), West, Lazar e Kramarae (2000), Fernández Díaz (2003), Lazar (1993, 2005, 2007), Magalhães (2005; 2009), Heberle, Ostermann e Figueiredo (2006). Além das análises discursivo-analíticas, também utilizamos o programa de linguística de corpus WordSmith Tools para realizar análises quantitativas. Os resultados das análises nos levaram à confirmação das hipóteses iniciais: o discurso das notícias reforça estereótipos de vítima e agressor, típicos de uma estrutura social patriarcal, na qual é atribuída à vítima ou aos vícios (álcool e drogas) a responsabilidade da violência sofrida; além disso, a violência de gênero é apresentada como um problema individual e associada às classes sociais menos favorecidas; e, por último, o discurso das notícias apresenta grande parte dos crimes de violência de gênero como crimes passionais.

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Diz o art. 53º da Constituição: “É garantida aos trabalhadores a segurança no emprego, sendo proibidos os despedimentos sem justa causa ou por motivos políticos ou ideológicos.”. O direito fundamental da “Segurança no emprego” é uma das principais conquistas da social-democracia e/ou do socialismo democrático europeus, entre outras ideologias políticas e religiosas. Abstract: Says the art. 53 of the Constitution: "It is guaranteed to security workers in employment, being prohibited the unfair dismissal or for political or ideological reasons.". The fundamental right of "Job security" is one of the main achievements of social democracy and / or the European democratic socialism, among other political and religious ideologies.