Ich singe das Leben /

"Die Übertragung dieser Auswahl ... is von Max Hayek. Den einleitenden Aufsatz schrieb Hermann Bahr."

A rendszerparadigma. Fogalmi tisztázás = The system paradigm

Tanulmányomban, amint azt a cím is jelzi, használni szeretném a paradigma fogalmát. Ezt Kuhn vezette be a tudományelméletbe klasszikus művében (Kuhn [1962]). Kuhn nem adott egyértelmű definíciót, s maga a fogalom sok vitára adott okot. A konferenciára készülve, újraolvastam számos művet az általános tudományelmélet és speciálisan a közgazdaságtani metodológia köréből. Ha más nem, már ez a meghökkentő olvasmányélmény is óvatosságra int. Nyoma sincsen konszenzusnak, még az alapfogalmak értelmezésében sem. Ingerült konfrontatív vita zajlik. A szűkebben vett tudományelmélet és tudománytörténet alternatív iskolái közötti egyet nem értés mélyen gyökeredzik híveiknek egymástól eltérő filozófiai felfogásában. Szeretném elkerülni ezt az aknamezőt. Ez késztet arra, hogy fogalmi tisztázással kezdjem a fejtegetést, az esetleges félreértések elkerülésére. Nem kívánok hozzászólni ahhoz, hogy mennyiben volt Poppernek, Kuhnnak, Lakatosnak vagy másnak igaza a tudomány történetének elemzésében. A korrekt tárgyalásA szerző a cikk bevezetőjében ismerteti, milyen értelmezésben használja a társadalomtudományokra vonatkozóan a paradigma fogalmát, amelyet T. S. Kuhn eredetileg a természettudományok történetétől ihletve alkotott meg. Az új paradigma nem okvetlenül váltja fel a korábbit; több paradigma munkaképesen működhet egymás mellett. A rendszerparadigma kialakulásának mérföldkövei: Marx, Mises, Hayek, Polányi, Schumpeter és Eucken munkái. Noha filozófiájukat és politikai állásfoglalásukat tekintve igen heterogén a névsor, közös bennük a rendszerszemlélet\". Nemcsak a gazdaság egy-egy részletével foglalkoznak, hanem a rendszer egészével; nemcsak a gazdasággal, hanem a politikai, ideológiai és a társadalmi dimenziókkal is, s különös figyelmet fordítanak valamennyi szféra interakcióira. A rendszerparadigma nagy vizsgafeladata a posztszocialista átmenet kutatása. Ehhez nélkülözhetetlen; a magyarázó erőt tekintve semmilyen más paradigmával nem pótolható. Viszont a rendszerparadigma alkalmazói előrejelzéseikben (akárcsak más paradigmák művelői) sokszor súlyosan tévedtek. A rendszerparadigma prediktív ereje korlátozott, s ez szerénységre inti felhasználóit. / === / The notion of paradigm was originally created by T. S. Kuhn and inspired by the history of natural sciences. The introduction of the article explains the interpreation of the notion as used in social sciences. In this context a new paradigm does not necessarily replace the earlier one, several paradigms can operate beside each other. The milestones of the system paradigm are the works of Marx, Mises, Hayek, Polányi, Schumpeter and Eucken. Although the list is rather heterogeneous as regards the philosophies and political stand of the authors, common to them is the \"systemic approach\". They discuss not some detail of the economy, but the system as a whole; not only the economy, but the political, ideological and societal dimensions as well, and they pay particular attention to the interactions among all spheres. It is a great examination task of the system paradigm to research the post-socialist transition. It is indispensable for that; as regards explanatory power, it cannot be replaced by any other paradigm. On the other hand, the users of the system paradigm frequently made grave errors in their forecasts (similarly to those using other paradigms). The predictive power of the system paradigm is restricted and this warns its users to caution.

Átmenet vagy spontán rend(etlenség)? = Transition or spontaneous order/disorder?

Az írás arra a kérdésre keresi a választ, hogy a két évtized után tartóssá, vagyis trenddé váló gazdasági és társadalmi eltérések a "posztkommunista" országok között milyen okokra vezethetők vissza. Másodsorban azt elemzi, mi a jelentősége e sokrétű különbségek modellszerű kategorizálásának. Ennek alapja az állami szerepvállalás mértéke és minősége. Végül harmadikként azt a kérdéskört vizsgálja, hogy az eltérések milyen következményekkel járnak. A fő következtetés az, hogy a közösségi választások ugyan jelentősek, ezek szerepe azonban a pályafüggőséghez képest sokkal kisebb, mint azt a legtöbb elmélet föltételezi. Az eredmény - Hayekkel szólva (Hayek [1995]) - emberi cselekvés, ámde nem emberi tervezet szülötte. _____ The article seeks to discover what causes can be traced for the economic and social differences that have become permanent or a trend after two decades. Secondly, it analy-ses what importance this model-like categorization of manifold differences bears. Thirdly and lastly, it examines the sphere of questions to do with the consequences of these differences. The main conclusion is that the community choices are significant, but their role is much less, by comparison with career dependence, than most theories assume. Achievement, to quote Hayek (1995) is borne of human endeavour, not human planning.

Spontaneous order and social norms. Hayek’s theory of socio-cultural evolution

Hayek’s theory of socio-cultural evolution is a generalization of his theory on spontaneous market order. Hayek explains both the emergence of market and social institutions serving as a social basis for that order within the framework of a unified evolutionary logic. This logic interprets the emergence and survival of spontaneous order and group-level rules of conduct as an unintended consequence of human action. In order to explain the emergence of social norms exclusively on the basis of methodological individualism, one would have to give up an exclusively evolutionary explanation of these norms. Since Hayek applies the invisible-hand explanation to the investigation of social norms, he combines the position of methodological individualism with functionalist-evolutionary arguments in his analysis. Hayek’s theory of socio-cultural evolution represents a theory in the framework of which methodological individualism and functionalism do not crowd out but complement each other.

Spontaneous order and social norms. Hayek’s theory of socio-cultural evolution

Hayek's theory of socio-cultural evolution is a generalization of his theory on spontaneous market order. Hayek explains both the emergence of market and social institutions serving as a social basis for that order within the framework of a unified evolutionary logic. This logic interprets the emergence and survival of spontaneous order and group-level rules of conduct as an unintended consequence of human action. In order to explain the emergence of social norms exclusively on the basis of methodological individualism, one would have to give up an exclusively evolutionary explanation of these norms. Since Hayek applies the invisiblehand explanation to the investigation of social norms, he combines the position of methodological individualism with functionalist-evolutionary arguments in his analysis. Hayek's theory of socio-cultural evolution represents a theory in the framework of which methodological individualism and functionalism do not crowd out but complement each other.

La respuesta liberal de Edmund Burke a la crisis de legitimidad política del siglo XVIII

Edmund Burke is both the greatest and the most underrated political thinker of the last three hundred years. We could not agree more with this assertion of Jesse Norman. Very few political-statesmen have attainted the enormous repercussion both in politics and in history that Burke had deployed over the last centuries. Nevertheless, Burke remains unfairly unknown for a wider public. And what it is more, the vast majority tend to think of him as a conservative, if not a liberal-conservative. A prior precision has to be made before continuing regarding the term liberal for the sake of accuracy. Burke was a prominent Whig, what in Spanish language we describe as a liberal, in the sense that both Hayek and Milton Friedman uttered, far from the meaning “kidnapped” of the word liberal by the Anglo-Saxon left. The object of this thesis is to investigate the non-solved controversy on Burke`s figure and the liberal answer he provided with to the political crisis of legitimacy of the 18th century. There is an existing shared opinion by the academia that prior to the Reflections on the Revolution of France, his masterpiece, he was an outstanding and prominent Whig. Champion of liberty, justice and good governance, guardian of liberal virtues and the authentic developer of the efficient policy put in place by the Marquis of Rockingham in order to curb the corruption and influence emanating from the court of George the Third and his double cabinet.

Líneas posibles de avance del modelo de Sraffa

Diversas consideraciones históricas e ideológicas han impedido la difusión de la obra fundamental de Sraffa Producción de mercancías por medio de mercancías. La obra de Sraffa ha sido estudiada fundamentalmente en sus aspectos matemáticos por economistas tales como Garegnani, Abraham-Frois, Pasinetti, Steedman, Kurz, Roncaglia, etc. pero sin desarrollar apenas sus aspectos teóricos y económicos. En este artículo se hacen algunas consideraciones sobre posibles desarrollos del libro de Sraffa a partir de su propio esquema de pensamiento.

El dinero en la historia del pensamiento económico: la teoría monetaria postkeynesiana y su confrontación con la ortodoxia

Las disputas en torno a determinados aspectos del dinero, como su neutralidad y el carácter endógeno o exógeno de la oferta monetaria, han sido permanentes entre las distintas escuelas de pensamiento y autores, estando su origen, probablemente, en la época de desarrollo del pensamiento escolástico. En este artículo pretendemos, en primer lugar, realizar un recorrido cronológico e histórico sobre el tratamiento científico económico del dinero, para, en segundo lugar, poner sobre la mesa la macroeconomía ortodoxa a la que han dado lugar las interpretaciones al respecto, así como los enfoques alternativos frente a este pensamiento dominante. Finalmente, intentamos poner en valor los desarrollos monetarios post-keynesianos, integrados en lo que denominan “Economía Monetaria de Producción”, confrontándolos con la llamada Nueva Síntesis Neoclásica.

Capital 2.0 capital formation and legal risk in a new global economic order from fiat to exit: including case studies of the proposed transatlantic trade and investment partnership between the United States and the European Union and the financing relation between the United States and the People’s Republic of China

Following the intrinsically linked balance sheets in his Capital Formation Life Cycle, Lukas M. Stahl explains with his Triple A Model of Accounting, Allocation and Accountability the stages of the Capital Formation process from FIAT to EXIT. Based on the theoretical foundations of legal risk laid by the International Bar Association with the help of Roger McCormick and legal scholars such as Joanna Benjamin, Matthew Whalley and Tobias Mahler, and founded on the basis of Wesley Hohfeld’s category theory of jural relations, Stahl develops his mutually exclusive Four Determinants of Legal Risk of Law, Lack of Right, Liability and Limitation. Those Four Determinants of Legal Risk allow us to apply, assess, and precisely describe the respective legal risk at all stages of the Capital Formation Life Cycle as demonstrated in case studies of nine industry verticals of the proposed and currently negotiated Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership between the United States of America and the European Union, TTIP, as well as in the case of the often cited financing relation between the United States and the People’s Republic of China. Having established the Four Determinants of Legal Risk and its application to the Capital Formation Life Cycle, Stahl then explores the theoretical foundations of capital formation, their historical basis in classical and neo-classical economics and its forefathers such as The Austrians around Eugen von Boehm-Bawerk, Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich von Hayek and most notably and controversial, Karl Marx, and their impact on today’s exponential expansion of capital formation. Starting off with the first pillar of his Triple A Model, Accounting, Stahl then moves on to explain the Three Factors of Capital Formation, Man, Machines and Money and shows how “value-added” is created with respect to the non-monetary capital factors of human resources and industrial production. Followed by a detailed analysis discussing the roles of the Three Actors of Monetary Capital Formation, Central Banks, Commercial Banks and Citizens Stahl readily dismisses a number of myths regarding the creation of money providing in-depth insight into the workings of monetary policy makers, their institutions and ultimate beneficiaries, the corporate and consumer citizens. In his second pillar, Allocation, Stahl continues his analysis of the balance sheets of the Capital Formation Life Cycle by discussing the role of The Five Key Accounts of Monetary Capital Formation, the Sovereign, Financial, Corporate, Private and International account of Monetary Capital Formation and the associated legal risks in the allocation of capital pursuant to his Four Determinants of Legal Risk. In his third pillar, Accountability, Stahl discusses the ever recurring Crisis-Reaction-Acceleration-Sequence-History, in short: CRASH, since the beginning of the millennium starting with the dot-com crash at the turn of the millennium, followed seven years later by the financial crisis of 2008 and the dislocations in the global economy we are facing another seven years later today in 2015 with several sordid debt restructurings under way and hundred thousands of refugees on the way caused by war and increasing inequality. Together with the regulatory reactions they have caused in the form of so-called landmark legislation such as the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, the Dodd-Frank Act of 2010, the JOBS Act of 2012 or the introduction of the Basel Accords, Basel II in 2004 and III in 2010, the European Financial Stability Facility of 2010, the European Stability Mechanism of 2012 and the European Banking Union of 2013, Stahl analyses the acceleration in size and scope of crises that appears to find often seemingly helpless bureaucratic responses, the inherent legal risks and the complete lack of accountability on part of those responsible. Stahl argues that the order of the day requires to address the root cause of the problems in the form of two fundamental design defects of our Global Economic Order, namely our monetary and judicial order. Inspired by a 1933 plan of nine University of Chicago economists abolishing the fractional reserve system, he proposes the introduction of Sovereign Money as a prerequisite to void misallocations by way of judicial order in the course of domestic and transnational insolvency proceedings including the restructuring of sovereign debt throughout the entire monetary system back to its origin without causing domino effects of banking collapses and failed financial institutions. In recognizing Austrian-American economist Schumpeter’s Concept of Creative Destruction, as a process of industrial mutation that incessantly revolutionizes the economic structure from within, incessantly destroying the old one, incessantly creating a new one, Stahl responds to Schumpeter’s economic chemotherapy with his Concept of Equitable Default mimicking an immunotherapy that strengthens the corpus economicus own immune system by providing for the judicial authority to terminate precisely those misallocations that have proven malignant causing default perusing the century old common law concept of equity that allows for the equitable reformation, rescission or restitution of contract by way of judicial order. Following a review of the proposed mechanisms of transnational dispute resolution and current court systems with transnational jurisdiction, Stahl advocates as a first step in order to complete the Capital Formation Life Cycle from FIAT, the creation of money by way of credit, to EXIT, the termination of money by way of judicial order, the institution of a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Court constituted by a panel of judges from the U.S. Court of International Trade and the European Court of Justice by following the model of the EFTA Court of the European Free Trade Association. Since the first time his proposal has been made public in June of 2014 after being discussed in academic circles since 2011, his or similar proposals have found numerous public supporters. Most notably, the former Vice President of the European Parliament, David Martin, has tabled an amendment in June 2015 in the course of the negotiations on TTIP calling for an independent judicial body and the Member of the European Commission, Cecilia Malmström, has presented her proposal of an International Investment Court on September 16, 2015. Stahl concludes, that for the first time in the history of our generation it appears that there is a real opportunity for reform of our Global Economic Order by curing the two fundamental design defects of our monetary order and judicial order with the abolition of the fractional reserve system and the introduction of Sovereign Money and the institution of a democratically elected Transatlantic Trade and Investment Court that commensurate with its jurisdiction extending to cases concerning the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership may complete the Capital Formation Life Cycle resolving cases of default with the transnational judicial authority for terminal resolution of misallocations in a New Global Economic Order without the ensuing dangers of systemic collapse from FIAT to EXIT.

Dineros alternativos para el desarrollo local

el libro ha sido organizado en tres partes. Una primera se ocupará de relatar las experiencias prácticas de funcionamiento del “dinero libre”, es decir, de medios de cambio alternativos o complementarios al dinero ofcial. En ella se describirán los experimentos de los años treinta como consecuencia de la Gran Depresión, incluidos algunos antecedentes), así como los de la posguerra, especialmente los iniciados durante la década pasada. En la segunda, estudiaremos las bases conceptuales y teóricas desarrolladas por economistas y otros pensadores sociales a lo largo de la historia y que generalmente han inspirado o servido de sustento para implementar los experimentos monetarios descritos a lo largo de la primera parte. La lista de autores "clásicos" sobre la materia abarca representantes de escuelas económicas tan variadas como la mercantilista (Boisguilbert), la de los socialistas utópicos (Proudhon), la de una facción de la anarquista (Gesell). la monetarista (Irving Fisher), la austríaca (Hayek) y la keynesiana (aparte del propio Keynes. Dudley Dillard): mientras que los más importantes autores contemporáneos incluyen a todo un heterogéneo "ejército de herejes" (en el sentido de Keynes) desconocidos -para los economistas ortodoxos- como Edgar Cann, Helmut Creutz, William Darity. Thomas Estermann. Paul Glover. Thomas Greco. Matina Hámmerli. Michel Herland. John Hotson. Margrit Kennedy. Bernard Litaer. Michael Linton. Wemer Onken, Edwin Riegel, Wemer Rosenberger. Klaus Schmitt. Lewis Solomon. Dieter Suhr, Robert Swann y Susan Witt. entre otros . Finalmente, analizaremos las características y las posibilidades teórico-prácticas de aplicar ese heterodoxo esquema monetario a escala nacional, tarea que hasta ahora no se ha intentado en país alguno. A lo largo de la parte tercera y final de este ensayo, indudablemente la más atractiva (pero también la más arriesgada), analizaremos las posibilidades de aplicación de estos esquemas monetarios al caso peruano a niveles subnacionales, enfatizando su viabilidad para los ámbitos locales. Luego de analizar la actual modalidad de acumulación y el sistema financiero del Perú y sus consecuencias, esbozaremos algunos lineamientos generales que podrían ser de utilidad -considerando las especificidades del espacio al que se aplicarían- para elaborar un programa general y proyectos-piloto para diversos ámbitos, los que específicamente podrían abarcar los espacios más disímiles: desde la macrourbe Lima-Metropolitana o su Cono Norte, pasando por la región Inka o la ciudad de Huancayo, hasta llegar a un pueblo como Mala o Chincheros, sólo a manera de ejemplo e ilustración por el momento.

Uso de estimulación eléctrica medular en el manejo de síndrome doloroso regional complejo: revisión sistemática

La estimulación eléctrica medular (EEM), es una técnica mínimamente invasiva, segura, con pocos efectos secundarios y resultados favorables en patologías crónicas asociadas a dolor severo de difícil manejo, tal como es el caso del Síndrome Doloroso Regional Complejo (SDRC). La evidencia actual señala beneficios en esta patología particular, motivo por el cuál es de interés hacer una revisión actualizada sobre la EEM en SDRC.

Retos en la implementación de las normas internacionales al interior de los estados. estudio de caso: la región del Mekong y el protocolo de Palermo contra la trata de personas. (2007-2014)

El presente estudio de caso tiene como principal objetivo el de analizar la manera como las características sociopolíticas de los Estados del Mekong, específicamente en el caso de Camboya y Myanmar, dificultan la implementación de las normas enunciadas en el Protocolo de las Naciones Unidas para Prevenir, Reprimir y Sancionar la Trata de Personas, Especialmente Mujeres y Niños, también conocido como el Protocolo de Palermo. En este sentido, se parte de las características principales del Protocolo y de la manera como el tráfico de personas se presenta en el Mekong para posteriormente analizar la forma como la corrupción, la impunidad y la desigualdad de género representan retos sociopolíticos que obstruyen la implementación de los mandatos internacionales enmarcados en este instrumento

La cultura del trabajo y la igualdad en la Nueva Granada

Basada en los conceptos de Alexis de Tocqueville, esta investigación busca explicar de qué manera la cultura del trabajo influyó en la igualdad de condiciones. Para esto fue necesario analizar cómo la sociedad neogranadina acogía nuevas teorías y prácticas del mundo moderno liberal en su estructura socio-económica y política, haciendo indispensable, en primer lugar, realizar un estudio detallado de la situación de la Nueva Granada en los aspectos mencionados, durante finales del siglo XVIII y gran parte del siglo XIX. En principio se puede deducir que la cultura del trabajo no tuvo influencia en la igualdad de condiciones, porque la concepción protestante de la salvación del alma no halló en los neogranadinos la aceptación que requería para hacer de este un pueblo trabajador y tampoco se pudo garantizar una situación de igualdad de condiciones desde un aspecto cultural, sino que estuvo presente por medio de leyes que no eran respetadas.