164 resultados para Geopolitics.


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Title: Boundary-setting as a core activity in complex public systems
Authors: Joanne Murphy & Mary Lee Rhodes

The definition of the boundary of a system is at the core of any systems approach (Midgley 2000; 2003). By defining boundaries we enable – and delimit – the range of outcomes sought and the actions and resources that can be brought to bear. In complex adaptive systems (CAS) analysis, the conceptualisaion and definition of boundaries is particularly challenging as they are constantly undergoing redefinition through agent action, interaction and entry/exit. (Rhodes et al 2011). The concept of ‘boundaries’ appears regularly in a wide range of literature around public management, administration, geopolitics, regeneration and organisational development. Discussions around boundaries focus on many things from concrete physical manifestations and barriers, to virtual interfaces between one organisational unit and another, or even entirely theoretical demarcations between different schools of thought (Kaboolian, 1998, Levi-Faur, 2004, Agranoff & McGuire, 2004).

However, managing ‘beyond’ such boundaries is a routinely recurring aspiration that transcends sectors and local concerns. Unsurprisingly then, there is an increasing understanding of the need to acknowledge and manage such boundaries (whether they be physical, social or organisational) within public management as a discipline (Currie et al 2007, Fitzsimmons and White, 1997, Murtagh, 2002). This paper explores the impact of boundaries on public management strategic decision-making in the sectors of urban regeneration and healthcare. In particular, it focuses on demarcations to physical space, communal identity and within professional relationships in these sectors.

The first section describes the research that gave rise to the paper and the cases examined. Next we briefly define what we mean by boundaries. We explore issues that have emerged from our analysis of urban regeneration and health care singularly, before looking at how the concept of boundaries is a recurrent concern across the sectors. The main contribution of the paper is an exploration of how a CAS lens can bring a new insight into the concept of boundaries and decision-making in the two sets of case studies. This discussion will concentrate on initial conditions, bifurcation and adaptation as key CAS factors in relation to boundaries. We conclude with a brief discussion on the benefits of a CAS lens to an analysis of boundaries in public management decision-making.
References:

Agranoff, R. and McGuire, M. (2003) Collaborative Public Management: Strategies for Local Government. Washington, DC: Georgetown Univ. Press.

Currie, G., Lockett, A. (2007) “A critique of transformational leadership: moral, professional & contingent dimensions of leadership within public services organizations”. Human Relations 60: 341-370.

Fitzsimmons and White, (1997) "Crossing boundaries: communication between professional groups", Journal of Management in Medicine, Vol. 11 Iss: 2, pp.96 – 101

Kaboolian, L. (1998) “The New Public Management: Challenging the Boundaries of the Management vs. Administration Debate” Public Administration Review Vol. 58, No. 3 pp.189-193

Levi-Faur D. and Vigoda-Gadot Eran (eds) (2004) International Public Policy and Management: Policy Learning Beyond Regional, Cultural and Political Boundaries, Marcel Dekker,
Midgley, G. (ed) (2003) Systems Thinking. London: Sage Publications

Midgley, G. (2000) Systemic Intervention: Philosophy, Methodology and Practice. New York, NY: Kluwer.

Murtagh, B. (2002). The Politics of Territory: Policy and Segregation in Northern Ireland. Basingstoke, Palgrave.

Rhodes, ML, Joanne Murphy, Jenny Muir, John Murray (2011) Public Management & Complexity Theory: Richer Decision Making in Irish Public Services, UK: Routledge



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Drawing on a perspective which takes into account the convergences of sovereign and biopolitical ruling apparatuses, the aim of this article is to provide a comprehensive view of the Separation Wall constructed by Israel in East Jerusalem, and, through it, of Israeli control of Palestinian East Jerusalem. Neither a comprehensive border, nor a mere barrier, the Separation Wall which is being constructed in Jerusalem operates to reinstates sovereign power in arrays of governmentality for the purpose of drawing on the ability of sovereignty to appropriate legitimacy for the territorialisation of governmentality. This article claims that these territorialised arrays of governmentality give rise to processes of racialisation, by maintaining a grip on the communities of Palestinians in East Jerusalem and sustaining them in an intermediate position, standing in the way of their full integration into the Israeli population while severing their existing connections with the Palestinians in the West Bank. © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.

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This article offers a typology of so-called blocking legislation and analyses its development, functions and legality under international law. It also presents and discusses the new Russian blocking Order, issued in September 2012, focusing on its possible effects on the European Commission's investigation of Gazprom's business practices (in light of EU competition law) as well as, more broadly, on foreign operations of Russian strategic enterprises.

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This paper is a reexamination of the concept of the geopolitical border through a critical analysis of prevalent conceptualizations of borders, as they are articulated in the fields of geopolitics, political theory and international relations. Suggesting that thinking of borders as the derivative of territorial definitions disregards the dependency of territoriality and sovereign space on the praxes of border making, this paper offers an analytic distinction between normative articulations of borders and the border as a political practice. This distinction enables the identification of partial and incoherent border making processes. Consequently, the creation of borders can be analyzed as an effect of a multiplicity of performative praxes, material, juridical and otherwise discursive, that operate in relation to the management of space and attribute it with geopolitical distinctions. Furthermore, the paper suggests that these praxes, which appear in dispersed sites and in a wide variety of loci, are intrinsically linked to different spatial practices of population management, of governmentality. Thus, I offer a reading of borders as a praxis which manages binary differentiations of matrixes of governmentality, which create schisms in the population as a totality, through the deployment of the evocation of sovereignty as the legitimizing source of this differentiation or for the means necessary for its sustainment.

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This paper gives an account of the disappearance of Malaysian Airways Flight MH370 into the southern Indian Ocean in March 2014 and analyses the rare glimpses into remote ocean space this incident opened up. It follows the tenuous clues as to where the aeroplane might have come to rest after it disappeared from radar screens – seven satellite pings, hundreds of pieces of floating debris and six underwater sonic recordings – as ways of entering into and thinking about ocean space. The paper pays attention to and analyses this space on three registers – first, as a fluid, more-than-human materiality with particular properties and agencies; second, as a synthetic situation, a composite of informational bits and pieces scopically articulated and augmented; and third, as geopolitics, delineated by the protocols of international search and rescue. On all three registers – as matter, as data and as law – the ocean is shown to be ontologically fluid, a world defined by movement, flow and flux, posing intractable difficulties for human interactions with it.

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The ‘war on terror’ has marked the existence of exceptional measures involving military action abroad and the introduction of counter-terrorism legislation in the United Kingdom. Within this context fear, risk and insecurity have been intrinsic in legitimizing the measures created as being necessary to maintain national security. This article presents the findings from a study investigating the impact of the ‘war on terror’ on British Muslims’ emotions. The study revealed how facets of the ‘war on terror’, including ‘human rights and policing’, ‘What if? and pre-emption’, ‘geopolitics and reflexive fear and risk’ and ‘fear from inside the binary’ impacted participants’ emotions. Through exploring how thepolicy measures implemented in the ‘war on terror’ have influenced British Muslims’ emotions, the article takes a small step in addressing the analytical gap in criminological research on emotions in the ‘war on terror’.

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A crise política que teve início com a suspensão do Acordo de Associação da Ucrânia, em Setembro de 2014, reacendeu o debate sobre as implicações e consequências das relações da União Europeia (UE) ao nível da Parceria Oriental para com as suas relações bilaterais com a Rússia. A Ucrânia, que se encontra numa tradicional esfera de influência para a Rússia, e que por motivos históricos, económicos e políticos, se assume de grande relevo para a Europa, conheceu diversas fases de aproximação e contenção nas suas relações com a UE. Apesar da existência de uma fronteira geográfica entre a UE e a sua periferia, a UE estende-se, através das suas políticas desenvolvidas ao abrigo da Parceria Oriental, para além das linhas de Schengen. A Política Europeia de Vizinhança, contribui para o diluir das barreiras naturais através dos seus programas políticos, culturais e económicos. No entanto, a UE não conhece ainda uma verdadeira fronteira civilizacional – um limite no qual o mundo externo é demasiado diferente da sua génese e não poderá ser integrado no seu centro. A Rússia - um limite natural para a UE-, procura também estender a sua influência para além das suas fronteiras. Ambos se cruzam na região abrangida pela Parceria Oriental, procurando encontrar um limite real para o seu cosmos. A UE utiliza diversos instrumentos e capacidades por forma a desenvolver as relações com a sua vizinhança. Estes estão, no entanto, amplamente condicionados pela coesão interna da própria UE – a sua capacidade de gerar consenso por forma a formular políticas e desenvolver instrumentos. As relações desenvolvidas ao abrigo da Parceria Oriental são ainda influenciadas pela sua própria periferia, nomeadamente na vontade de assimilar ou não as políticas da UE. No caso específico da Ucrânia, que se manteve durante muito tempo num limbo geopolítico, no qual não se alinhou nem com a Rússia, nem com a UE, mas apenas com políticas específicas de ambos os cosmos, esta decisão acarta consequências drásticas na relação com o cosmo excluído. E, acima de tudo, a associação da Ucrânia à UE impacta directamente as relações bilaterais com a Rússia. Apesar da assinatura do Acordo de Associação com a UE, a Ucrânia não tomou ainda uma decisão civilizacional de integração num destes dois cosmos. E, a própria UE, também ainda apresenta sinais de hesitação. Neste contexto, a presente dissertação pretende compreender de que forma a Parceria Oriental tem contribuído para estas questões, analisando as consequências das relações UE-Ucrânia, desenvolvidas ao abrigo da Parceria Oriental, para a projecção de poder da UE perante a Rússia.

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À partir du projet d’écriture d’une chronique que Céline met en avant lorsqu’il parle de son œuvre dans l’après-guerre, ce mémoire examine l’hypothèse selon laquelle le genre des chroniques médiévales fait, dans Nord, l’objet d’une réécriture permanente et déterminante pour la version de la Seconde Guerre mondiale de Céline. La notion d’horizon d’attente de Jauss permet d’abord de démontrer comment Nord reconstruit le discours testimonial et l’éthos de la vérité qui fondent la légitimité de chroniqueurs comme Villehardouin ou Clari afin d’accréditer une version illégitime des événements de 39-45. Au récit magnifié de la « Libération », Céline oppose en effet une chronique de l’épuration et un témoignage sur la vie quotidienne dans l’Allemagne de 1944. Idéologiquement nationalistes, les chroniques médiévales forment une lignée de la francité à partir de laquelle Céline crée une fiction politique passéiste qui projette sur les événements de 39-45 la géopolitique d’une Europe médiévale afin de cautionner les partis pris d’extrême droite de l’auteur. Par ailleurs, Nord accentue la propension autobiographique de certaines chroniques et la confond avec une lignée de mémorialistes disgraciés. Ceux-ci lui fournissent le plaidoyer pro domo qui orchestre toute la rhétorique d’autojustification de l’écrivain dans l’après-guerre : s’autoproclamer victime de l’histoire afin de justifier a posteriori les pamphlets antisémites et ainsi s’exonérer de tout aveu de culpabilité. Enfin, Céline qualifie Nord de « roman » par référence à la part d’affabulation des chroniqueurs. Pour représenter l’histoire en une Apocalypse advenue sans justice divine et sans héros, Nord procède en effet à une réactivation des genres fictionnels comme la légende, l’épique et le chevaleresque qui s’entremêlaient à l’histoire dans les Chroniques de Froissart. Cette réécriture entre fabula et historia est donc d’abord une création de romancier qui, dans le contexte de crise de la fiction de l’après-guerre, procède à un épuisement du roman par l’histoire.

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L’équilibre économique mondial repose sur une asymétrie structurelle dont les pôles antagonistes principaux sont les États-Unis et l’Asie orientale. À la base de cet axe de tension géographique se trouve la question de la représentation mondiale de la richesse. La domination du dollar permet aux États-Unis un accès disproportionné aux ressources planétaires. Les pays créanciers, dont fait partie la Chine, hésitent à laisser flotter leur monnaie et attaquer l’hégémonie du dollar. Entre temps, les déséquilibres s’intensifient, tout comme les tensions politiques, par l’effet de ce système monétaire qui participe au maintien d’un monde unipolaire. Le système monétaire actuel n’offre aucune perspective endogène quant à la résolution des déséquilibres que son équilibre requiert. Ce mémoire cherche à identifier les stratégies géoéconomiques de la Chine pour se soustraire de l’emprise du dollar.

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On assiste en Géorgie, entre 1989 et 1994, à deux conflits civils couplés d’une violence politique majeure. L’Ossétie du Sud et l’Abkhazie, soit deux des trois régions dotées d’un statut autonome à l’intérieur de la Géorgie pendant la période soviétique, sont le théâtre de ces conflits. Les affrontements violents sont par ailleurs évités dans le cas de l’Adjarie, cette troisième région dotée d’un statut autonome. Les raisons de cette relative paix adjar ne sont pas évidentes à saisir à prime abord, surtout lorsqu’on observe la situation chaotique dans laquelle se trouve la Géorgie au moment de la chute de l’URSS. Il apparaît ainsi adéquat de se pencher plus spécifiquement sur l’Adjarie, en tant que région de la Géorgie, qui a certes entretenu de fortes tensions avec l’État géorgien nouvellement indépendant, mais sans pour autant que ces tensions politiques ne basculent en un conflit ouvert. Étant donné la similarité qui caractérise les territoires de l’Abkhazie et de l’Adjarie, les arguments géopolitiques ou encore les arguments concernant les structures institutionnelles n’apportent qu’une explication partielle. C’est plutôt un argument identitaire mettant de l’avant la relation entre les groupes qui apparaît déterminant pour expliquer l’absence de conflit en Adjarie.