1000 resultados para Emigració i immigració -- Catalunya
Resumo:
En la última década, Barcelona se ha convertido en una importante receptora de población inmigrante. Según datos estadísticos, el 14, 62% de la población es inmigrante, de los cuales el 29, 5% son jóvenes (Idescat 2010). Muchos de estos han arribado siguiendo el típico proceso de reagrupamiento familiar. El siguiente trabajo tiene por objetivo presentar la experiencia de distintos jóvenes sobre el fenómeno migratorio que experimentaron durante su adolescencia/ primera juventud. Lleva el propósito de destacar la importancia de dicha vivencia en la conformación de su identidad social. Se intentará indagar tanto sobre el papel que jugaron los diferentes actores implicados en el proceso de acogida y los años subsiguientes: amigos, familiares, escuela, administraciones, etc., como sobre el uso del espacio público y el espacio virtual en tanto facilitadores/obstaculizadores de su constitución como ciudadanos autónomos
Resumo:
Aquest treball de pràcticum pretén, a partir de l’anàlisi de la pràctica que hi ha tant a nivell de comarca del Baix Empordà com a nivell d’experiències a més generals, fer una proposta d’actuació a l’hora de prevenir la mutilació genital femenina mitjançant el treball comunitari com a eina d’intervenció preventiva i generadora d’espais de relació, que permeti treballar amb i per a la comunitat fent-la, així, responsable i participativa del propi procés de canvi. Té la voluntat de ser un recurs útil i generadora de noves idees d’actuació
Resumo:
Amb l'aprovació del programa de Tampere el 1999 la Unió Europea (UE) va començar a articular una política d'immigració cap a l'exterior, sent prioritaris els països veïns d'Europa oriental en l'establiment de l'agenda en qüestions migratòries. El contingut d'aquesta agenda inclou normes aprovades bilateralment entre la Unió i els països veïns, normes que emanen de règims internacionals i fins i tot normes pròpies del patrimoni de la Unió. Aquest Working Paper analitza sintèticament l'agenda en matèria d'immigració entre la UE i els països veïns d'Europa oriental en funció del tipus de normes que es disposen a adoptar. Per això, s'han d'observar tres subsectors de la política d'immigració (immigració irregular, immigració regular i asil) per a cada un dels tres països de l'àrea amb els que la cooperació ha estat més intensa (Rússia, Ucraïna i Moldàvia). Prova d'això és l'entrada en vigor de sengles acords de readmissió i facilitació de visats entre la UE i aquests països. L'objectiu d'aquest article és elaborar un retrat matisat de l'agenda d'immigració més ambiciosa que la UE ha dissenyat cap a l'exterior.
Resumo:
En marzo de 2004 el Observatorio de Política Exterior Europea publicó, en versión digital, un monográfico especial sobre España en Europa (1996-2004). Su objetivo era analizar la agenda y la estrategia de España durante el período de José María Aznar en materia de relaciones internacionales. Como bien indicaba el título de aquella publicación, uno de los supuestos de partida del análisis era la europeización de la actividad internacional de España. ¿Era así?, ¿la España de Aznar veía el mundo y se aproximaba a él a través de Bruselas? Aquella publicación tuvo una buena acogida, a la vista de las visitas recibidas y sobre todo de las instituciones que nos pidieron vincular dicha publicación a sus páginas web y, entre ellas, hay que destacar que EUObserver publicó como comentario su artículo introductorio, en versión inglesa, Aznar: thinking locally, acting in Europe (calificado por EUObserver como lectura de máxima relevancia). El hecho de que las elecciones de 2004 se celebraran tres días después de los trágicos acontecimientos del 11-M hizo que el interés por España y por su proyección europea e internacional aumentara de manera destacada. La presente publicación constituye un segundo ejercicio de dicho tipo, en este caso para analizar el período del gobierno Zapatero (2004-2008). Una vez más, el supuesto de partida (la europeización de la agenda y del método) está en la mente de los analistas. Y una vez más los artículos recogidos en esta publicación hacen el ejercicio de “triangular” el análisis. España y Europa son dos vértices (más o menos alejados, en el fondo y en la forma) que los autores manejan en sus análisis de caso (tercer vértice)
Resumo:
The ways in which the dominant cultural majority frames the educationalsystem determine perceptions of its own identity and understandings ofthe ‘other.’ In this article I take a political approach, by examining themanagement of cultural diversity within Spanish education policies, treating“education as the mirror of society”. This article analyzes Spanish challengesand policies approaches towards the management of immigrationrelated diversity in education. The main finding is that there is not one approach,but several, due to both the decentralized character of the educationsystem and the multiplicity of diversity that is at stake (i.e. language,religion, culture etc.)
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Contemporary policy makers in most European destination countriesexpress a great concern about reunification of migrants’ families. Newrestrictions multiply in almost all countries, on the grounds thatmigrants would take advantage of a too lax system and that it wouldfoster an influx of non-desirable migrants. So far, quantitative evidenceis scarce on migrants’ practices in matter of family reunification.Taking advantage of a unique longitudinal dataset that includesSenegalese individuals surveyed both at origin (in Senegal) and inEurope (France, Italy and Spain), we perform event-history analyses toshow three things. First, couple separation is very often a long lastingsituation. Second, when separated because of international migration,wives and husbands do not only reunify in Europe but quite commonlyin Senegal. And third, those who reunify in Europe are those who arethe most adapted or adaptable to the European culture and economy.
Resumo:
Migration-related issues have, since approximately 2000, been the object of increased attention at the international level. This has led, among other things, to the production of international narratives, which aim both at understanding migration and at proposing policy recommendations on how to address it, with the objective of improving the governance of migration at the global level. But this implies overcoming dilemmas stemming from the diverging interests of states and other actors (like NGOs and the private sector). This article examines the way in which international migration narratives address skilled migration, which is characterised by some of the clearest political trade-offs between stakeholders. It argues that these narratives attempt to speak to all parties and conciliate contradictory arguments about what should be done, in order to discursively overcome policy dilemmas and create a consensus. While this is line with the mandate of international organizations, it depoliticises migration issues.
Resumo:
In much of the western world, and particularly in Europe, there is a widespread perception that multiculturalism has ‘failed’ and that governments who once embraced a multicultural approach to diversity are turning away, adopting a strong emphasis on civic integration. This reaction, we are told, “reflects a seismic shift not just in the Netherlands, but in other European countries as well” (JOPPKE 2007). This paper challenges this view. Drawing on an updated version of the Multiculturalism Policy Index introduced earlier (BANTING and KYMLICKA 2006), the paper presents an index of the strength of multicultural policies for European countries and several traditional countries of immigration at three points in time (1980, 2000 and 2010). The results paint a different picture of contemporary experience in Europe. While a small number of countries, including most notably the Netherlands, have weakened established multicultural policies during the 2000s, such a shift is the exception. Most countries that adopted multicultural approaches in the later part of the twentieth century have maintained their programs in the first decade of the new century; and a significant number of countries have added new ones. In much of Europe, multicultural policies are not in general retreat. As a result, the turn to civic integration is often being layered on top of existing multicultural programs, leading to a blended approach to diversity. The paper reflects on the compatibility of multiculturalism policies and civic integration, arguing that more liberal forms of civic integration can be combined with multiculturalism but that more illiberal or coercive forms are incompatible with a multicultural approach.
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Multi-national societies present a complex setting for the politics of immigration, as migration’s linguistic, economic and cultural effects may coincide with existing contestation over nationhood between sub-units and the central state. Empirically, though, political actors only sometimes, and in some places, explicitly connect the politics of immigration to the stakes of multi-level politics. With reference to Canada, Belgium and the United Kingdom, this paper examines the conditions under which political leaders link immigration to ongoing debate about governance in multi-national societies. The paper argues that the distribution of policy competencies in the multi-level system is less important for shaping immigration and integration politics than is the perceived impact (positive or negative) on the sub-unit’s societal culture or its power relationship with the center. Immigration and integration are more often politicized where center and sub-unit hold divergent views on migration and its place in national identity.
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The idea that immigration controls in Western developed states are a response to popular pressure is axiomatic in the academic literature on migration. In the academic literature and in policy circles it is also commonplace to hear that migration is eroding the sovereignty of states. This article challenges both of these ideas. We argue that both of these ideas overlook or ignore the erosion of popular sovereignty from within states. We argue that engaging with, rather than evading, public debate on migration can potentially help to reinvigorate popular sovereignty.
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Immigrant organisations in the City of Oslo receive support from the government for their daily operation. In order to receive such support, each organisation must be membership-based and have internal democratic procedures. This paper raises the question of how we can understand this combination of support for ethnic based organisations and requirements of membership and internal democracy. It explores the usefulness of two partly overlapping ways of understanding this policy and discusses their interrelationship. Firstly, within the context of the crisis of multiculturalism, the paper discusses whether this combination is based on the aim of strengthening the organisations’ procedural commitment to liberal-democratic principles. Secondly, the paper analyses whether requirements of membership and internal democracy can mainly be understood within the framework of the Nordic model of voluntary organisation. By comparing the policy at three empirical levels, the paper concludes that this combination can mainly be understood within the framework of the traditional historical Nordic model, but that there is an ambiguity in this policy related to minority rights.
Resumo:
T’has parat mai a pensar com és de rica la nostra ciutat culturalment parlant i com és de significativa la varietat de negocis que en ella hi ha?En els darrers anys molts d’aquest negocis han estat establerts per immigrants.L’estudi que us presentem a continuació és un anàlisi d’aquesta recent tipologia de comerç i de l’impacte que està tenint en la Barcelona actual.
Resumo:
El presente artículo busca proponer un esquema teórico que refleje el comportamientoresidencial de la población inmigrante en España. Dicho diagrama es el resultado de 50entrevistas en profundidad realizadas en las áreas metropolitanas de Madrid y Barcelona.El análisis del contenido de las entrevistas permite diferenciar etapas en el proceso migratoriode integración: el aterrizaje, la llegada, el asentamiento y la estabilización. Estas etapassintetizan el recorrido de un inmigrante extracomunitario en el camino hacia la satisfacción consu situación residencial.Cada etapa presenta diferencias en los criterios de localización residencial; en el tipo devivienda al que el inmigrante aspira; y en la composición del hogar. Asimismo, las etapasevolucionan de acuerdo con el origen del inmigrante, su capital humano, su acceso a redessociales y según si su proyecto migratorio es individual o familiar.
Resumo:
The purpose of the study, grounded in sociocultural theory, is to describe the funds of knowledge of a Moroccan family living in Catalonia (Spain) in order to document how teachers can use these funds of knowledge to make direct links between students' lives and classroom teaching. The funds of knowledge approach is based on a simple premise: regardless of any socio-economical and sociocultural "deficit" that people may or may not have all families accumulate bodies of beliefs, ideas, skills and abilities based on their experiences (in areas such as their occupation or their religion). The challenge consists in connecting these bodies of educational resources with teaching practice in order to connect the curriculum with students' lives. In doing so, qualitative research can be carried out using several techniques such as self portraits, self-definition tasks, assessment of family artefacts, documenting routines through photographs, or the analysis of a person's significant circle. The results in terms of teaching practices illustrate the variety of ways teachers can make connections between home and school in ways that assist learners in their academic development. In this article, we propose using the term funds of identity to complement the concept of funds of knowledge