964 resultados para Electoral Geography


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© 2014 IEEE. This exploratory study addresses a gap in management literature by addressing the role of location in the continuously expanding field of open innovation research. In this context, we analyze potential negative effects of absolute geography and relative proximity on open innovation practices in high-tech small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the United Kingdom. Drawing upon cluster theory and business ecosystem literature, the analysis from three SME case studies in the East of England suggests that presumed 'favorable' location variables, such as close relative proximity between partners and the presence of economic clusters, can have certain negative effects on open innovation practices.

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Scully, Roger, Farrell, David, Representing Europe's Citizens? Electoral Institutions and the Failure of Parliamentary Representation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp.xiii+230 RAE2008

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Scully, Roger, and R. Wyn Jones, 'Devolution and Electoral Politics in Scotland and Wales', Publius, (2006) 36(1) pp.115-134 RAE2008

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Raybould, Marilynne, and Sims-Williams, Patrick, The geography of Celtic personal names in the Latin inscriptions of the Roman Empire (Aberystwyth: CMCS publications, 2007) RAE2008

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Protocorporatist West European countries in which economic interests were collectively organized adopted PR in the first quarter of the twentieth century, whereas liberal countries in which economic interests were not collectively organized did not. Political parties, as Marcus Kreuzer points out, choose electoral systems. So how do economic interests translate into party political incentives to adopt electoral reform? We argue that parties in protocorporatist countries were representative of and closely linked to economic interests. As electoral competition in single member districts increased sharply up to World War I, great difficulties resulted for the representative parties whose leaders were seen as interest committed. They could not credibly compete for votes outside their interest without leadership changes or reductions in interest influence. Proportional representation offered an obvious solution, allowing parties to target their own voters and their organized interest to continue effective influence in the legislature. In each respect, the opposite was true of liberal countries. Data on party preferences strongly confirm this model. (Kreuzer's historical criticisms are largely incorrect, as shown in detail in the online supplementary Appendix.). © 2010 American Political Science Association.

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During ecological speciation, divergent natural selection drives evolution of ecological specialization and genetic differentiation of populations on alternate environments. Populations diverging onto the same alternate environments may be geographically widespread, so that divergence may occur at an array of locations simultaneously. Spatial variation in the process of divergence may produce a pattern of differences in divergence among locations called the Geographic Mosaic of Divergence. Diverging populations may vary in their degree of genetic differentiation and ecological specialization among locations. My dissertation examines the pattern and evolutionary processes of divergence in pea aphids (Acyrthosiphon pisum) on alfalfa (Medicago sativa) and clover (Trifolium pretense). In Chapter One, I examined differences among North American aphid populations in genetic differentiation at nuclear, sequence-based markers and in ecological specialization, measured as aphid fecundity on each host plant. In the East, aphids showed high host-plant associated ecological specialization and high genetic differentiation. In the West, aphids from clover were genetically indistinguishable from aphids on alfalfa, and aphids from clover were less specialized. Thus, the pattern of divergence differed among locations, suggesting a Geographic Mosaic of Divergence. In Chapter Two, I examined genomic heterogeneity in divergence in aphids on alfalfa and clover across North America using amplified fragment length polymorphisms (AFLPs). The degree of genetic differentiation varied greatly among markers, suggesting that divergent natural selection drives aphid divergence in all geographic locations. Three of the same genetic markers were identified as evolving under divergent selection in the eastern and western regions, and additional divergent markers were identified in the East. In Chapter Three, I investigated population structure of aphids in North America, France, and Sweden using AFLPs. Aphids on the same host plant were genetically similar across many parts of their range, so the evolution of host plant specialization does not appear to have occurred independently in every location. While aphids on alfalfa and clover were genetically differentiated in most locations, aphids from alfalfa and clover were genetically similar in both western North America and Sweden. High gene flow from alfalfa onto clover may constrain divergence in these locations.

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Among the signal developments of the last third of the twentieth century has been the emergence of a new politics of human rights. The transnational circulation of norms, networks, and representations has advanced human rights claims in ways that have reshaped global practices. Just as much as the transnational flow of capital, the new human rights politics are part of the phenomenon that has come to be termed globalization. Shifting the focus from the sovereignty of the nation to the rights of individuals, regardless of nationality, the interplay between the local and the global in these new human rights claims are fundamentally redrawing the boundaries between the rights of individuals, states, and the international community. Truth Claims brings together for the first time some of the best new work from a variety of disciplinary and geographic perspectives exploring the making of human rights claims and the cultural politics of their representations. All of the essays, whether dealing with the state and its victims, receptions of human rights claims, or the status of transnational rights claims in the era of globalization, explore the potentialities of an expansive humanistic framework. Here, the authors move beyond the terms -- and the limitations -- of the universalism/relativism debate that has so defined existing human rights literature.

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It is increasingly evident that evolutionary processes play a role in how ecological communities are assembled. However the extend to which evolution influences how plants respond to spatial and environmental gradients and interact with each other is less clear. In this dissertation I leverage evolutionary tools and thinking to understand how space and environment affect community composition and patterns of gene flow in a unique system of Atlantic rainforest and restinga (sandy coastal plains) habitats in Southeastern Brazil.

In chapter one I investigate how space and environment affect the population genetic structure and gene flow of Aechmea nudicaulis, a bromeliad species that co-occurs in forest and restinga habitats. I genotyped seven microsatellite loci and sequenced one chloroplast DNA region for individuals collected in 7 pairs of forest / restinga sites. Bayesian genetic clustering analyses show that populations of A. nudicaulis are geographically structured in northern and southern populations, a pattern consistent with broader scale phylogeographic dynamics of the Atlantic rainforest. On the other hand, explicit migration models based on the coalescent estimate that inter-habitat gene flow is less common than gene flow between populations in the same habitat type, despite their geographic discontinuity. I conclude that there is evidence for repeated colonization of the restingas from forest populations even though the steep environmental gradient between habitats is a stronger barrier to gene flow than geographic distance.

In chapter two I use data on 2800 individual plants finely mapped in a restinga plot and on first-year survival of 500 seedlings to understand the roles of phylogeny, functional traits and abiotic conditions in the spatial structuring of that community. I demonstrate that phylogeny is a poor predictor of functional traits in and that convergence in these traits is pervasive. In general, the community is not phylogenetically structured, with at best 14% of the plots deviating significantly from the null model. The functional traits SLA, leaf dry matter content (LDMC), and maximum height also showed no clear pattern of spatial structuring. On the other hand, leaf area is strongly overdispersed across all spatial scales. Although leaf area overdispersion would be generally taken as evidence of competition, I argue that interpretation is probably misleading. Finally, I show that seedling survival is dramatically increased when they grow shaded by an adult individual, suggesting that seedlings are being facilitated. Phylogenetic distance to their adult neighbor has no influence on rates of survival though. Taken together, these results indicate that phylogeny has very limited influence on the fine scale assembly of restinga communities.

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Estamos en tiempo electoral (y en nuestro país casi todos lo son). El pistoletazo mediático de salida se dio en las elecciones de Cataluña, donde desde tiempo atrás todos los sondeos daban por ganador al PSC, tanto por votos como por escaños. Incluso seguían así los sondeos de las emisoras de radio y TV de las ocho de la tarde, después de votar. Pero lo cierto es que, una vez escrutados todos los votos, quien ganó en escaños fue CiU.

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This chapter focuses on the barriers to all students achieving their full potential that are rooted historically in the disparate understanding of geography itself. How the subject is delivered is scrutinized from both the historical and a pragmatic perspective but, importantly, the link between past and present is highlighted as key if the subject is finally to be embedded as a cohesive, mainstream subject that allows students to fully understand the realities of their world.

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This paper examines the attitudes of women political elites in Ireland toward positive action initiatives that would assist in increasing women's legislative presence. An earlier study isolated family responsibilities and lack of finance as significant barriers for Irish women wishing to enter, and stay in, political life. In addition, scholarly and policy debates on boosting women's parliamentary representation focus on manipulating electoral or party selection rules along with strategies for making a political career more compatible with women's socially determined responsibilities. This paper examines how Irish women politicians respond to various suggestions for positive action in these three arenas: combining legislative and family responsibilities, funding a political campaign and getting elected. The paper highlights the broad consensus among women politicians, irrespective of party, self-interest, or length of service, favoring certain positive action initiatives, as well as their reluctance to support other options. It also illustrates the complexity of implementing some of these reforms. In addition, the paper emphasizes how cultural expectations and values act to inhibit women's political agency.

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What role do elections play in societies emerging from communal war and what type of institutions can serve as catalysts in deepening peace and compromise? While some analysts argue that ethnicity should be recognized through 'consociational' institutions, others maintain that 'integrative' devices - in particular, carefully crafted electoral rules - can limit or even break down the salience of ethnicity and increase the possibility for inter-ethnic accommodation. This article examines the post-war electoral experience of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), arguing that elections had a problematic, unintended impact on peacebuilding. First, timid integrative electoral devices were adopted in a consociational system that reifies ethnic division and complicates compromise; second, peacebuilding agencies needlessly manufactured electoral rules that backfired; third, group-based features of the BiH political system run counter to individual human rights. The article ends with suggestions for improving the electoral framework.