Le Vétéran. Bulletin de la Société nationale de retraites Les vétérans des armées de terre et de mer, 1870-1871. Fondée à Paris le 1er janvier 1893

1939/11 (A42,N6)-1939/12.

Le Vétéran. Bulletin de la Société nationale de retraites Les vétérans des armées de terre et de mer, 1870-1871. Fondée à Paris le 1er janvier 1893

1939/05 (A42,N3)-1939/06.

Le Vétéran. Bulletin de la Société nationale de retraites Les vétérans des armées de terre et de mer, 1870-1871. Fondée à Paris le 1er janvier 1893

1939/03 (A42,N2)-1939/04.

Rick Bell Family fonds, 1874-1875, 1879, 1884, 1886, 1888-1889, 1896, 1898, 1909-1910, 1939, 1945, n.d.

Lewis Tyrell married Jane Gains on August 31, 1849 in Culpeper Court House, Virginia. Jane Gains was a spinster. Lewis Tyrell died September 25, 1908 at his late residence, Vine St. and Welland Ave., St. Catharines, Ont. at the age of 81 years, 5 months. Jane Tyrell died March 1, 1886, age 64 years. Their son? William C. Tyrell died January 15, 1898, by accident in Albany, NY, age 33 years, 3 months. John William Taylor married Susan Jones were married in St. Catharines, Ont. on August 10, 1851 by William Wilkinson, a Baptist minister. On August 9, 1894 Charles Henry Bell (1871-1916), son of Stephen (1835?-1876) and Susan Bell, married Mary E. Tyrell (b. 1869?) daughter of Lewis and Alice Tyrell, in St. Catharines Ontario. By 1895 the Bell’s were living in Erie, Pennsylvania where children Delbert Otto (b. 1895) and Edna Beatrice (b. 1897) were born. By 1897 the family was back in St. Catharines where children Lewis Tyrell (b. 1899), Gertrude Cora (b. 1901), Bessie Jane (b. 1902), Charles Henry (b. 1906), Richard Nelson (b. 1911) and William Willoughby (b. 1912) were born. Charles Henry Bell operated a coal and ice business on Geneva Street. In the 1901 Census for St. Catharines, the Bell family includes the lodger Charles Henry Hall. Charles Henry Hall was born ca. 1824 in Maryland, he died in St. Catharines on November 11, 1916 at the age of 92. On October 24, 1889 Charles Hall married Susan Bell (1829-1898). The 1911 Census of Canada records Charles Henry Hall residing in the same household as Charles Henry and Mary Bell. The relationship to the householder is step-father. It is likely that after Stephen Bell’s death in 1876, his widow, Susan Bell married Hall. In 1939, Richard Nelson Bell, son of Charles Henry and Mary Tyrell Bell, married Iris Sloman. Iris (b. 22 May 1912 in Biddulph Township, Middlesex, Ontario) was the daughter of Albert (son of Joseph b. 1870 and Elizabeth Sloman, b. 1872) and Josie (Josephine Ellen) Butler Sloman of London, Ont. Josie (b. 1891) was the daughter of Everett Richard and Elizabeth McCarthy (or McCarty) Butler, of Lucan Village, Middlesex North. According to the 1911 Census of Canada, Albert, a Methodist, was a porter on the railroad. His wife, Josephine, was a Roman Catholic. Residing with Albert and Josie were Sanford and Sadie Butler and Sidney Sloman, likely siblings of Albert and Josephine. The Butler family is descended from Peter Butler, a former slave, who had settled in the Wilberforce Colony in the 1830s. Rick Bell b. 1949 in Niagara Falls, Ont. is the son of Richard Nelson Bell. In 1979, after working seven years as an orderly at the St. Catharines General Hospital while also attending night school at Niagara College, Rick Bell was hired by the Thorold Fire Dept. He became the first Black professional firefighter in Niagara. He is a founding member of the St. Catharines Junior Symphony; attended the Banff School of Fine Arts in 1966 and also performed with the Lincoln & Welland Regimental Band and several other popular local groups. Upon the discovery of this rich archive in his mothers’ attic he became passionate about sharing his Black ancestry and the contributions of fugitive slaves to the heritage Niagara with local school children. He currently resides in London, Ont.

Traducción y transferencia cultural en la reforma educativa radical en Colombia : descripción y análisis de La Escuela Normal (1871-1879)

Cette thèse porte sur l’histoire de la traduction en Colombie dans le XIXe siècle. Elle étudiera le rapport entre la traduction et l’éducation pendant la réforme éducative menée par le groupe politique connu sous le nom de los radicales liberales. Pour ce faire, elle décrit et analyse les traductions parues dans le périodique officiel de la réforme, La Escuela Normal (1871-1879), dont la mission consistait en la diffusion des informations administratives et légales concernant la réforme éducative. On y trouve aussi des articles sur l’éducation et des leçons destinés à la formation des enseignants (manuels scolaires). À partir d’une démarche méthodologique et théorique descriptive et socioculturelle qui combine l’analyse des traductions et le contexte de réception de celles-ci, on analyse comment et pourquoi le contexte politique, social et éducatif de l’époque s’est répercuté sur la sélection des thématiques et des auteurs à traduire dans ce périodique. De plus, le groupe de traducteurs et d’intellectuels ainsi que la façon de traduire de ceux-ci sont étudiés. Cette recherche permet d’observer que la traduction n’est pas une activité neutre, mais une activité au centre de dynamiques sociales et culturelles. De plus, les contacts culturels permettent des transferts divers, notamment des traductions, mais aussi des représentations et des modèles sociaux. Finalement, la traduction s’avère un instrument au service des intérêts particuliers d’un groupe politique et social.

La nazification de l'Allemagne perçue à travers la presse alsacienne francophone (1933-1939)

À l'aube des années 1930, l'Alsace partage un passé trouble avec la France et l'Allemagne. Alors que la région est redevenue française après la Première Guerre mondiale en 1919, Paris éprouve de la difficulté à la réintégrer à la République, parce qu'il ne comprend pas que les quarante ans de l'Alsace au sein du Reich allemand ont bouleversé la vie régionale aux niveaux politique, culturel, religieux et linguistique. La France ne perçoit pas le particularisme des populations retrouvées et leur volonté de conserver les valeurs qui leur sont chères. L'autonomisme alsacien des années 1920 et la répression du mouvement par les autorités françaises mettent à mal les relations entre Paris et Strasbourg. Alors que le début des années 1930 se déroule sur ce fond de tensions, l'arrivée d'Adolf Hitler au pouvoir en 1933 en Allemagne modifie radicalement la donne. Le présent mémoire s'interroge sur la perception par la presse alsacienne francophone de la montée du nazisme en Allemagne, de 1933 à 1939. L'Alsace remet-elle en question son allégeance à une France qui démontre des signes de faiblesses et qui ne comprend pas la région ou préfère-t-elle une Allemagne forte et stable? En consultant des journaux de différentes orientations politiques et religieuses, soit Les dernières nouvelles de Strasbourg, Le nouvelliste d'Alsace, Le Lorrain et L'éclair de l'Est, nous avons analysé l'opinion de la presse alsacienne sur les événements allemands des années 1930. Il apparaît évident que la presse francophone n'est pas en faveur d'un retour avec le Reich. Néanmoins, l'allégeance à la France n'est pas aussi nette que le laisse croire l'historiographie à ce sujet. Jusqu'en mars 1938, la presse alsacienne francophone ne revendique pas de statut particulier, insatisfaite qu'elle est des options qui s'offrent à elle, autant du côté de la France que de l'Allemagne. Le point de vue de la région change régulièrement. Alors que Hitler attire tous les regards en 1933, la situation politique instable en France ainsi que les décisions du Front populaire sont le point de mire pour la presse alsacienne francophone à partir de 1936. Ce n'est que lorsque la guerre semble inévitable qu'elle se range derrière la République française.

Exposition Victor Gilsoul : ouverte du 16 au 30 avril 1912, Galeries Georges Petit.

Mode of access: Internet.

Kommentar Deutschlands Freispruch von der Schuld am Kriege : aus den belgischen Diplomatenberichten der Jahre 1871-1914 /

"Das vorliegende Buch ist ... unveränderte Sonderausgabe ... Der Fehlspruch von Versailles ... "

Letters of Frederic lord Blachford, under-secretary of state for the colonies, 1860-1871;

Mode of access: Internet.

Annotated record of the detailed examination of Mn deposits in the submarine canyons off George Bank taken by the R/V ATlantis in 1939

New surveys were completed and data from the field sheets were kindly furnished by the U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey to the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution for use in dredging and coring operations. This field work, first reported in 1936, was continued from time to time until 1941 as new soundings became available. Rock dredging and coring has been carried out in every major canyon on the slope from Corsair Canyon at the tip of Georges Bank to Norfolk Canyon off the entrance to the Chesapeake. Numerous cores have also been taken from the areas in between; and while the whole slope from Georges to the Chesapeake has not been covered, it is believed that no significant areas have been missed. In the following report the tows and cores will be described by areas from Georges Bank southwards, as the same region was revisited in successive years. The various samples, however, will be referred to by number followed by the year in which they were taken. The material is in storage in the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution and in the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard University.

In the shadow of the enlightenment : Le Corbusier, Le Faisceau and Georges Valois

On 9 January 1927 Le Corbusier materialised on the front cover of the Faisceau journal edited by Georges Valois Le Nouveau Siècle which printed the single-point perspective of Le Corbusier’s Plan Voisin and an extract from the architect’s discourse in Urbanisme. In May Le Corbusier presented slides of his urban designs at a fascist rally. These facts have been known ever since the late 1980s when studies emerged in art history that situated Le Corbusier’s philosophy in relation to the birth of twentieth-century fascism in France—an elision in the dominant reading of Le Corbusier’s philosophy, as a project of social utopianism, whose received genealogy is Saint-Simon and Charles Fourier. Le Corbusier participated with the first group in France to call itself fascist, Valois’s militant Faisceau des Combattants et Producteurs, the “Blue Shirts,” inspired by the Italian “Fasci” of Mussolini. Thanks to Mark Antliff, we know the Faisceau did not misappropriate Le Corbusier’s plans, in some remote quasi-symbolic sense, rather Valois’s organisation was premised on the redesign of Paris based on Le Corbusier’s schematic designs. Le Corbusier’s Urbanisme was considered the “prodigious” model for the fascist state Valois called La Cité Française – after his mentor the anarcho-syndicalist Georges Sorel. Valois stated that Le Corbusier’s architectural concepts were “an expression of our profoundest thoughts,” the Faisceau, who “saw their own thought materialized” on the pages of Le Corbusier’s plans. The question I pose is, In what sense is Le Corbusier’s plan a complete representation of La Cité? For Valois, the fascist city “represents the collective will of La Cité” invoking Enlightenment philosophy, operative in Sorel, namely Rousseau, for whom the notion of “collective will” is linked to the idea of political representation: to ‘stand in’ for someone or a group of subjects i.e. the majority vote. The figures in Voisin are not empty abstractions but the result of “the will” of the “combatant-producers” who build the town. Yet, the paradox in anarcho-syndicalist anti-enlightenment thought – and one that became a problem for Le Corbusier – is precisely that of authority and representation. In Le Corbusier’s plan, the “morality of the producers” and “the master” (the transcendent authority that hovers above La Cité) is lattened into a single picture plane, thereby abolishing representation. I argue that La Cité pushed to the limits of formal abstraction by Le Corbusier thereby reverts to the Enlightenment myth it first opposed, what Theodor Adorno would call the dialectic of enlightenment.