1000 resultados para Dollar, Robert, 1844-1932.


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Published by the Society for the Prevention of Pauperism.

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I. Introduction, appendix, notes, index of words and glossary, general index.--II.-III. Text.

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front row: coach Cliff Keen, Jack Harrod, jr., Robert H. Gove, Charles Rhed, Richard G. Finch, John Spoden, William F. Kline, Carl Dougovito

middle row: Robert Landrum, Robert Helliwell, Arthur Mosier, Dennis Bauss, Walter Wilson, Clifford Stoddard

front row: Carl Fiero, Seymour Freedman, Edward T. Aldinger, Blair Thomas, Frederick Harlow, (?) Williams

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Standing: William Pendell, Rollin Clark, captain Edmond Ryan

Seated: Richard Snell, John Reindel, Robert Clarke, coach John Johnstone

(Note: Clark and Clarke captions are reversed in Ensian photo)

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Back Row: trainer Ray Roberts, asst. coach Franklin Cappon, James Garner, Girard Ricketts, asst. coach Bennie Oosterbaan, mngr. Harvey Rasmussen

Front Row: Henry Weiss, Raymond Altenhof, Robert Petrie, Norman Daniels, Ivan Williamson, DeForest Eveland, Alex Shaw

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Back Row: James Cristy, John Schmieler, Henry Kaminski, Reeve Bailey

Middle Row: Richard K. Degener, Frederic C. Fenske, Frank D. Kennedy, Louis Lemak, assistant coach John W. McMahon

Front Row: Robert B. Ladd, Ivan C. Smith, Robert Miller, head coach Matt Mann, Sidney R. Raike, Daniel L. Marcus

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Top Row: Francis Hazen, Robert Ostrander, Richard McManus, Arthur Northrup, Donald Haefele, John Humphrey, Jerry Rea, st. mngr. David Louis

Middle Row: Harold Ellerby, Konrad W. Moisio, William Lemen, Edwin Turner, Roderick Cox, William Hill, Roger Howell, Hawley Eggleston, David Fitzgibbons,

Front Row: Booker Brooks, Donald Renwick, John Campbell, Edwin Russell, Coach Charles Hoyt, Charles DeBaker, Ben Glading, Harmon Wolfe

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assistant coach Ray Courtright, George David, Alexander Jolly, John C. Howard, captain John Lenfesty, John Fischer, John Root, Edwin Dayton, Robert Montague, John Loveland, coach Thomas Trueblood

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Bob Baxt, the third Chairman of the Trade Practices Commission, served for a single three year term from 1988 to 1991. He followed Bob McComas, who had deliberately adopted a non-litigious approach to preserving the competitive process, believing that he understood business as an insider and that much of what it did was not anti-competitive, when correctly viewed. Baxt was far more pro-active in his approach, and more closely aligned with that of the first Chairman, Ron Bannerman. Baxt sought to push the frontiers of investigation and precedent, and perhaps, more significantly, sought to influence his Ministers, the government, public servants and public opinion about the need to expand the coverage of the Trade Practices Act, increase penalties and properly resource the Commission so that it could perform its assigned roles. This article examines Baxt’s early and on-going role in teaching Australian students and professionals through his interdisciplinary Trade Practices Workshops, the political context of Baxt’s tenure, including his relations with the Attorney-General ,Michael Duffy, and his skilful handling of the Queensland Wire case.

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This study aims to stimulate thought, debate and action for change on this question of more vigorous philanthropic funding of Australian health and medical research (HMR). It sharpens the argument with some facts and ideas about HMR funding from overseas sources. It also reports informed opinions from those working, giving and innovating in this area. It pinpoints the range of attitudes to HMR giving, both positive and negative. The study includes some aspects of Government funding as part of the equation, viewing Government as major HMR givers, with particular ability to partner, leverage and create incentives. Stimulating new philanthropy takes active outreach. The opportunity to build more dialogue between the HMR industry and the wider community is timely given the ‘licence to practice’ issues and questioned trust that applies currently somewhat both to science and to the charitable sector. This interest in improving HMR philanthropy also coincides with the launch last year by the Federal Government of Nonprofit Australia Limited (NAL), a group currently assessing infrastructure improvements to the charitable sector. History suggests no one will create this change if Research Australia does not. However, interest in change exists in various quarters. For Research Australia to successfully change the culture of Australian HMR giving, the process will drive the outcomes. Obviously stakeholder buy-in and partners will be needed and the ultimate blueprint for greater philanthropic HMR funding here will not be this document. Instead it will be the one that wears the handprint and ‘mindprint’ of the many architects and implementers interested in promoting HMR philanthropy, from philanthropists to nonprofit peaks to government policy arms. As the African proverb says, ‘If you want to go fast, go alone; but if you want to go far, go with others’.

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By December 2010 total superannuation assets had reached $1.3 trillion, covering 94% of all Australians. This substantial growth was not a natural evolution. Rather it can be directly traced to three decades of bipartisan reform strategies based on a claimed public interest ideology. This article investigates the concerns raised by Superannuation Select Committees, consumer and union organisations, independent researchers and actuarial experts that, in contrast to the public interest rhetoric, the regulatory reforms have primarily achieved major private interest gains for powerful lobbyists. The findings of this analysis indicate that the democratic power of Australian governments to set economic policy agendas has been progressively eclipsed by the power of the financial services industry's producer groups. Rather than producing a best practice governance structure, fund members remain trapped in a post-reform cost paradox: no right of exit regardless of the deepening cost burden imposed. In an industry set to control a projected nominal figure of $6.7 trillion in superannuation assets by 2035, these findings suggest that the real change necessary to improve the deepening cost burden faced by fund members within a life-long, mandatory superannuation investment is now beyond any government's reach.