853 resultados para Democratic participation


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Politische Teilhabe und Raum für Subjektivität gehen Hand in Hand. Menschen in schwierigen und benachteiligten Lebenslagen wird der Raum für unabhängiges, kritisches, politisches Denken und Handeln aufgrund der Prekarität ihres Lebensalltages jedoch zusehends entzogen. Theaterarbeit kann hier ein Ort sein, um (wieder) Zugang zum eigenen Erleben, zu den eigenen Sichtweisen und zur eigenen Sprache zu finden; Beteiligung wird erfahrbar gemacht und soziale Grenzen können überschritten werden. Im Zentrum des vorliegenden Beitrages steht das Legislative Theater nach Augusto Boal, das politische Öffentlichkeit unter Einschluss der "Ausgeschlossenen" ermöglicht und darüber hinaus demokratische Beteiligung eröffnet. Vorgestellt werden Geschichte, Ablauf, aber auch drei konkret von InterACT umgesetzte Beispiele in Österreich und deren nachhaltige politische Einflussnahme. Fazit des Autors: Politisches und demokratisches Lernen entwickeln sich vor allem nahe an den Lebenslagen und Lebenswelten des/der Einzelnen. (DIPF/Orig.)

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El objeto del presente trabajo final de grado es analizar la viabilidad de la implementación de la figura del jurado de conciencia en el sistema penal colombiano, que fue suprimida mediante el Decreto 1861 de 1989. A su vez, hacer un análisis de derecho comparado con el fin de determinar los aspectos positivos y negativos de la implementación de los jurados en otros sistemas jurídicos. El resultado del análisis propuesto pretende determinar si es procedente la implementación de los jurados de conciencia en Colombia.

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Community participation has been considered strategic in order to achieve effectiveness in political, economical, social, educational and cultural change processes as a mean of guarantying effectiveness, quality and sustainability in social policy. Accordingly, this participation must be stimulated and promoted through national legislation since it has traditionally and historically been imposed and undemocratic. Education, as an essentially human act, is a first order instrument that societies must take advantage of in order to develop and stimulate democratic participation. Therefore, education may represent a new culture: one of democratic participation as a fundamental way to empower and develop a Peace culture.

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ResumenEste trabajo pretende ser un instrumento de reflexión sobre el rol histórico de la autoridad en el aula. El supuesto es que los períodos autoritarios han dejado huellas en las cosmologías docentes y por ello el autoritarismo se resiste a partir. Esto último impide enfatizar en actitudes y acciones didácticas de tipo cooperativo; invisibilizando derechos fundamentales, principalmente aquellos referidos en la infancia y adolescencia. Se hace hincapié en la participación democrática de docentes y estudiantes, enfatizando en la exaltación de un tipo de socialización enmarcada en la participación democrática desde la escuela, que pueda aportar hábitos trasladables a otros ámbitos sociales, contribuyendo a formar actitudes deliberativas, necesarias para participar activamente. El marco utilizado es, en el caso de las teorías del aprendizaje y como soporte metodológico, el principio de Zona de Desarrollo Próximo (Vigotsky) y el supuesto de aprendizaje práctico/participativo (Rogoff), además de brindar algunas concepciones sobre filosofía política en educación (Gutman).Respecto al marco normativo, se presta atención al cuerpo jurídico internacional sobre derechos humanos poniendo énfasis en la esfera de la educación, las recientes leyes argentinas de educación (2006) y de protección de la infancia y la adolescencia (2006). Palabras clave: autoridad democrática, diálogo horizontal, ciudadanía activa, talleres pedagógicos. AbstractThis work aims to be an instrument of reflection on the historical role of authority in the classroom. The assumption is that authoritarian periods have left footprints in the cosmologies of teacher, hence authori­tarianisms resists to leave. This prevents the emphasis on didactic cooperative attitudes and actions, thus subduing fundamental rights, mainly those referred to infancy and adolescence. The teachers´ and students´ democratic participation is emphasized, remarking the exaltation of a kind of socialization framed by the democratic participation from the school, which can bring habits transferable to other social areas, facilitating the development of the deliberative attitudes needed to participate actively. The theoretical framework is, in the case of learning theories and as a methodological support, the principle of Near Area Development (Vigotsky) and as the second argument, we use the assumption of learning by doing/participatory (Rogoff). In the first case, a task that is done with help today will be autonomously tomorrow. For the latter, it means participatory activities in order to achieve habits that may relocate to other social environments. In the case of Guttmann, it is looking for framing issues of political theory of education, mainly those related to the new skills a twenty-first century citizenship must acquire. Regarding the regulatory framework, attention is paid to international norms on human rights with empha­sis on education, recent Argentinean education laws (2006) and new laws on childhood and adolescence protection (2006). Keywords: democratic authority, horizontal dialogue, active citizenship, pedagogical workshops.         

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This study examines the Chinese press discussion about democratic centralism in 1978-1981 in newspapers, political journals and academic journals distributed nationwide. It is thus a study of intellectual trends during the Hua Guofeng period and of methods, strategies, and techniques of public political discussion of the time. In addition, this study presents democratic centralism as a comprehensive theory of democracy and evaluates this theory. It compares the Chinese theory of democratic centralism with Western traditions of democracy, not only with the standard liberal theory but also with traditions of participatory and deliberative democracy, in order to evaluate whether the Chinese theory of democratic centralism forms a legitimate theory of democracy. It shows that the Chinese theory comes close to participatory types of democracy and shares a conception of democracy as communication with the theory of deliberative democracy. Therefore, the Chinese experience provides some empirical evidence of the practicability of these traditions of democracy. Simultaneously, this study uses experiences of participatory democracies outside of China to explain some earlier findings about the Chinese practices. This dissertation also compares Chinese theory with some common Western theories and models of Chinese society as well as with Western understandings of Chinese political processes. It thus aims at opening more dialogue between Chinese and Western political theories and understandings about Chinese polity. This study belongs to scholarly traditions of the history of ideas, political philosophy, comparative politics, and China studies. The main finding of this study is that the Chinese theory of democratic centralism is essentially a theory about democracy, but whether its scrupulous practicing alone would be sufficient for making a country a democracy depends on which established definition of democracy one applies and on what kind of democratic deficits are seen as being acceptable within a truly democratic system. Nevertheless, since the Chinese theory of democratic centralism fits well with some established definitions of democracy and since democratic deficits are a reality in all actual democracies, the Chinese themselves are talking about democracy in terms acceptable to Western political philosophy as well.

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Includes bibliography

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This crucial volume significantly advances the study of policy feedbacks. With contributions from many subfields and methodological approaches, it offers both sophisticated theorizing and new empirical examples that show how policies make politics in a variety of ways. Innovative research designs provide more convincing inference than ever. And the normative questions engaged about welfare performance, evaluation, participation, and accountability could not be more important or timely in this era of austerity and discord over the future of welfare states.’

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Abstract:The aim of this paper is to review the literature on voting systems based on Condorcet and Borda. We compared and classified them. Also we referred to some strengths and weaknesses of voting systems and finally in a case study, we made use of the Borda voting system for collective decision making in the Salonga National Park in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Resumen: el objetivo de este trabajo es hacer una revisión bibliográfica de los sistemas de votación basados en Condorcet y Borda. Se ha comparado y clasificado los mismos. Así mismo se ha hecho referencia a algunas debilidades y fortalezas de los sistemas de votación y por último en un caso de estudio, se ha hecho uso del sistema de votación de Borda para la toma de decisión colectiva en el Parque Nacional de Salonga en la República Democrática del Congo.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08

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In early years research, policy and education, a democratic perspective that positions children as participants and citizens is increasingly emphasized. These ideas take seriously listening to children’s opinions and respecting children’s influence over their everyday affairs. While much political and social investment has been paid to the inclusion of participatory approaches little has been reported on the practical achievement of such an approach in the day to day of early childhood education within school settings. This paper investigates talk and interaction in the everyday activities of a teacher and children in an Australian preparatory class (for children age 4-6 years) to see how ideas of child participation are experienced. We use an interactional analytic approach to demonstrate how participatory methods are employed in practical ways to manage routine interactions. Analysis shows that whilst the teacher seeks the children’s opinion and involves them in decision-making, child participation is at times constrained by the context and institutional categories of “teacher” and “student” that are jointly produced in their talk. The paper highlights tensions that arise for teachers as they balance a pedagogical intent of “teaching” and the associated institutional expectations, with efforts to engage children in decision-making. Recommendations include adopting a variety of conversational styles when engaging with children; consideration of temporal concerns and the need to acknowledge the culture of the school.

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Participation in networks, both as a concept and process, is widely supported in environmental education as a democratic and equitable pathway to individual and social change for sustainability. However, the processes of participation in networks are rarely problematized. Rather, it is assumed that we inherently know how to participate in networks. This assumption means that participation is seldom questioned. Underlying support for participation in networks is a belief that it allows individuals to connect in new and meaningful ways, that individuals can engage in making decisions and in bringing about change in arenas that affect them, and that they will be engaging in new, non-hierarchical and equitable relationships. In this paper we problematize participation in networks. As an example we use research into a decentralized network – described as such in its own literature - the Queensland Environmentally Sustainable Schools Initiative Alliance in Australia – to argue that while network participants were engaged and committed to participation in this network, 'old' forms of top-down engagement and relationships needed to be unlearnt. This paper thus proposes that for participation in decentralized networks to be meaningful, new learning about how to participate needs to occur.

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A typical characteristic of the ongoing practice of democracy in Singapore has been described by some scholars as 'illiberal democracy'. Noting that Singapore 's brand of democracy operates within a 'dominant, one-party system', other scholars cushioned such a democratic practice by their reference to 'semi-democracy', 'controlled democracy, 'guided democracy, and 'communitarian democracy'. However, despite the demonstration that there are many restrictions in the type of democracy that exists in Singapore, the benefits are numerous. Singapore is the only country in the world to have transformed itself from a developing country to a developed country in less than only forty years. But its slower move towards a culture ofparticipation must move as quickly as globalization does if it is to remain in relevant and legitimate democracy. If the younger generation understands that they should have the right to a voice before the government acknowledges it, the transition could be more tumultuous than necessary.