Enhancing Cloud Security and Privacy: The Power and the Weakness of the Audit Trail

Winner of best paper award.

Morality, Power and the Planning Subject

Ethical issues are at the heart of planning. Thus, planning theory has long displayed an interest in debating both the ethical justification for planning and how the activity of planning can be rendered more ethically sensitive. However, comparatively little attention has been shown to how the very constitution of the planner as a ‘moral subject’ may be ethically problematic for planning practice. This article addresses this lacuna through an engagement with the philosophy of Michel Foucault. In contrast to how his work is normally applied, this article accords with Foucault’s own direction that his later examination of ethics be used as a lens through which to read his earlier analysis of power and knowledge. Accordingly, the article first outlines Foucault’s innovative reinterpretation of how power and knowledge operate in society before setting this within his novel reconception of ethics. This theoretical exposition is then employed to interpret the material drawn from in-depth qualitative interviews with 20 planning officers working in a range of different contexts. The article subsequently employs Foucault’s ethically informed reading of power and knowledge to identify ethical issues arising from the approaches used by practitioners to justify their planning activities. The article concludes by suggesting how such issues can be resolved.

Who Governs Educational Change? The Paradoxes of State Power and the Pursuit of Educational Reform in Post-Neoliberal Ecuador (2007-2015)

This study identifies and compares competing policy stories of key actors involved in the Ecuadorian education reform under President Rafael Correa from 2007-2015. By revealing these competing policy stories the study generates insights into the political and technical aspects of education reform in a context where state capacity has been eroded by decades of neoliberal policies. Since the elections in 2007, President Correa has focused much of his political effort and capital on reconstituting the state’s authority and capacity to not only formulate but also implement public policies. The concentration of power combined with a capacity building agenda allowed the Correa government to advance an ambitious comprehensive education reform with substantive results in equity and quality. At the same time the concentration of power has undermined a more inclusive and participatory approach which are essential for deepening and sustaining the reform. This study underscores both the limits and importance of state control over education; the inevitable conflicts and complexities associated with education reforms that focus on quality; and the limits and importance of participation in reform. Finally, it examines the analytical benefits of understanding governance, participation and quality as socially constructed concepts that are tied to normative and ideological interests.

Public libraries, citizens and the post democracy

This essay explores the relationship between the development of public libraries in the context of an increasingly market-dominated economy and marketised society. It argues that although neo-liberalism as a policy goal and practice has taken different forms over time, there are common themes in terms of its emphasis on market values, privatisation, and the support of measures that reduce the role of public funding and the state in the provision of public services. This has led some commentators to express concerns that the meaning and practice of citizenship and democracy is being transformed, managed or otherwise diminished. These concerns are compounded by changes effected by new digital technology. Imbricated with this issue are debates surrounding the future of the public library, and attempts by librarians and others to reinvent and reimagine its purpose. With reference to some innovative initiatives in the USA and Scandinavia, it is suggested that public libraries, through their service and spatial rearticulation, can conceivably help strengthen and revitalise public democracy and the public sphere.

Power and Distribution Network Structure in the People's Republic of China - The Case of an Inland City in Transition

The aim of the current study is to examine the influence of the channel external environment on power, and the effect of power on the distribution network structure within the People’s Republic of China. Throughout the study a dual research process was applied. The theory was constructed by elaborating the main theoretical premises of the study, the channel power theories, the political economy framework and the distribution network structure, but these marketing channel concepts were expanded with other perspectives from other disciplines. The main method applied was a survey conducted among 164 Chinese retailers, complemented by interviews, photographs, observations and census data from the field. This multi-method approach enabled not only to validate and triangulate the quantitative results, but to uncover serendipitous findings as well. The theoretical contribution of the current study to the theory of marketing channels power is the different view it takes on power. First, earlier power studies have taken the producer perspective, whereas the current study also includes a distributor perspective to the discussion. Second, many power studies have dealt with strongly dependent relationships, whereas the current study examines loosely dependent relationships. Power is dependent on unequal distribution of resources rather than based on high dependency. The benefit of this view is in realising that power resources and power strategies are separate concepts. The empirical material of the current study confirmed that at least some resources were significantly related to power strategies. The study showed that the dimension resources composed of technology, know-how and knowledge, managerial freedom and reputation was significantly related to non-coercive power. Third, the notion of different outcomes of power is a contribution of this study to the channels power theory even though not confirmed by the empirical results. Fourth, it was proposed that channel external environment other than the resources would also contribute to the channel power. These propositions were partially supported thus providing only partial contribution to the channel power theory. Finally, power was equally distributed among the different types of actors. The findings from the qualitative data suggest that different types of retailers can be classified according to the meaning the actors put into their business. Some are more business oriented, for others retailing is the only way to earn a living. The findings also suggest that in some actors both retailing and wholesaling functions emerge, and this has implications for the marketing channels structure.

Devolution and the political representation of business interests in the UK

The devolution of political power in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and the developing regional agenda in England are widely read as a significant reconfiguration of the institutions and scales of economic governance. The process is furthest developed in Scotland while Wales and Northern Ireland, in their own distinct ways, provide intermediate cases. Devolution is least developed in England where regional political identities are generally weak and the historical legacy of regional institutions is limited.

Devolution and the political representation of business interests in the UK

The devolution of political power in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and the developing regional agenda in England are widely read as a significant reconfiguration of the institutions and scales of economic governance. The process is furthest developed in Scotland while Wales and Northern Ireland, in their own distinct ways, provide intermediate cases. Devolution is least developed in England where regional political identities are generally weak and the historical legacy of regional institutions is limited. Within the overall context of devolution government policy has continued to emphasize partnership forms of. governance. Accordingly, the political representation of business interests has a particular salience in the new arrangements. This paper reports on findings from a study designed to examine the relationship between devolution and changes in the political representation of business interests in the territories and regions of the UK. It highlights a number of changes in the nature and extent of business representation. While some of these are significant the evidence suggests that they fail to mark a fundamental shift in the institutional foundation for sub-national business interest representation in the UK. Indeed the political geography of business representation remains dominated by an overarching centralism that is likely to provide a significant check on the further devolution of political power and democratic authority. (c) 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Devolution and the political representation of business interests in the UK

The devolution of political power in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and the developing regional agenda in England are widely read as a significant reconfiguration of the institutions and scales of economic governance. The process is furthest developed in Scotland while Wales and Northern Ireland, in their own distinct ways, provide intermediate cases. Devolution is least developed in England where regional political identities are generally weak and the historical legacy of regional institutions is limited. Within the overall context of devolution government policy has continued to emphasize partnership forms of. governance. Accordingly, the political representation of business interests has a particular salience in the new arrangements. This paper reports on findings from a study designed to examine the relationship between devolution and changes in the political representation of business interests in the territories and regions of the UK. It highlights a number of changes in the nature and extent of business representation. While some of these are significant the evidence suggests that they fail to mark a fundamental shift in the institutional foundation for sub-national business interest representation in the UK. Indeed the political geography of business representation remains dominated by an overarching centralism that is likely to provide a significant check on the further devolution of political power and democratic authority. (c) 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Validity of the running anaerobic sprint test for assessing anaerobic power and predicting short-distance performances

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

The force, power, and energy of the 100 meter sprint

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Analytical models for the power subsystem and the attitude control subsystem of a microsatellite

El trabajo realizado en la presente tesis doctoral se debe considerar parte del proyecto UPMSat-2, que se enmarca dentro del ámbito de la tecnología aeroespacial. El UPMSat-2 es un microsatélite (de bajo coste y pequeño tamaño) diseñado, construido, probado e integrado por la Universidad Politécnica de Madrid (España), para fines de demostración tecnológica y educación. El objetivo de la presente tesis doctoral es presentar nuevos modelos analíticos para estudiar la interdependencia energética entre los subsistemas de potencia y de control de actitud de un satélite. En primer lugar, se estudia la simulación del subsistema de potencia de un microsatélite, prestando especial atención a la simulación de la fuente de potencia, esto es, los paneles solares. En la tesis se presentan métodos sencillos pero precisos para simular la producción de energía de los paneles en condiciones ambientales variables a través de su circuito equivalente. Los métodos propuestos para el cálculo de los parámetros del circuito equivalente son explícitos (o al menos, con las variables desacopladas), no iterativos y directos; no se necesitan iteraciones o valores iniciales para calcular los parámetros. La precisión de este método se prueba y se compara con métodos similares de la literatura disponible, demostrando una precisión similar para mayor simplicidad. En segundo lugar, se presenta la simulación del subsistema de control de actitud de un microsatélite, prestando especial atención a la nueva ley de control propuesta. La tesis presenta un nuevo tipo de control magnético es aplicable a la órbita baja terrestre (LEO). La ley de control propuesta es capaz de ajustar la velocidad de rotación del satélite alrededor de su eje principal de inercia máximo o mínimo. Además, en el caso de órbitas de alta inclinación, la ley de control favorece la alineación del eje de rotación con la dirección normal al plano orbital. El algoritmo de control propuesto es simple, sólo se requieren magnetopares como actuadores; sólo se requieren magnetómetros como sensores; no hace falta estimar la velocidad angular; no incluye un modelo de campo magnético de la Tierra; no tiene por qué ser externamente activado con información sobre las características orbitales y permite el rearme automático después de un apagado total del subsistema de control de actitud. La viabilidad teórica de la citada ley de control se demuestra a través de análisis de Monte Carlo. Por último, en términos de producción de energía, se demuestra que la actitud propuesto (en eje principal perpendicular al plano de la órbita, y el satélite que gira alrededor de ella con una velocidad controlada) es muy adecuado para la misión UPMSat-2, ya que permite una área superior de los paneles apuntando hacia el sol cuando se compara con otras actitudes estudiadas. En comparación con el control de actitud anterior propuesto para el UPMSat-2 resulta en un incremento de 25% en la potencia disponible. Además, la actitud propuesto mostró mejoras significativas, en comparación con otros, en términos de control térmico, como la tasa de rotación angular por satélite puede seleccionarse para conseguir una homogeneización de la temperatura más alta que apunta satélite y la antena. ABSTRACT The work carried out in the present doctoral dissertation should be considered part of the UPMSat-2 project, falling within the scope of the aerospace technology. The UPMSat-2 is a microsatellite (low cost and small size) designed, constructed integrated and tested for educational and technology demonstration purposes at the Universidad Politécnica de Madrid (Spain). The aim of the present doctoral dissertation is to present new analytical models to study the energy interdependence between the power and the attitude control subsystems of a satellite. First, the simulation of the power subsystem of a microsatellite is studied, paying particular attention to the simulation of the power supply, i.e. the solar panels. Simple but accurate methods for simulate the power production under variable ambient conditions using its equivalent circuit are presented. The proposed methods for calculate the equivalent circuit parameters are explicit (or at least, with decoupled variables), non-iterative and straight forward; no iterations or initial values for the parameters are needed. The accuracy of this method is tested and compared with similar methods from the available literature demonstrating similar precision but higher simplicity. Second, the simulation of the control subsystem of a microsatellite is presented, paying particular attention to the new control law proposed. A new type of magnetic control applied to Low Earth Orbit (LEO) satellites has been presented. The proposed control law is able to set the satellite rotation speed around its maximum or minimum inertia principal axis. Besides, the proposed control law favors the alignment of this axis with the normal direction to the orbital plane for high inclination orbits. The proposed control algorithm is simples, only magnetorquers are required as actuators; only magnetometers are required as sensors; no estimation of the angular velocity is needed; it does not include an in-orbit Earth magnetic field model; it does not need to be externally activated with information about the orbital characteristics and it allows automatic reset after a total shutdown of attitude control subsystem. The theoretical viability of the control law is demonstrated through Monte Carlo analysis. Finally, in terms of power production, it is demonstrated that the proposed attitude (on principal axis perpendicular to the orbit plane, and the satellite rotating around it with a controlled rate) is quite suitable for the UPMSat-2 mission, as it allows a higher area of the panels pointing towards the sun when compared to other studied attitudes. Compared with the previous attitude control proposed for the UPMSat-2 it results in a 25% increment in available power. Besides, the proposed attitude showed significant improvements, when compared to others, in terms of thermal control, as the satellite angular rotation rate can be selected to achieve a higher temperature homogenization of the satellite and antenna pointing.

A 'deleterious' effect? : Australian legal education and the production of the legal identity

A body of critical legal scholarship argues that, by the time they have completed their studies, students who enter legal education holding social ideals and intending to use their legal education to achieve social change, have become cynical about the ability of the law to do so and no longer possess such ideals. This is explained by critical scholars to be the result of a process of ideological indoctrination, aimed at ensuring that graduates uphold the narrow and conservative interests of the legal profession and capitalist society, being exercised by law schools acting as adjuncts of the legal profession, and exercised upon the passive body of the law student. By using Foucault’s work on knowledge, power, and the subject to interrogate the assumptions upon which this narrative is based, this thesis intends to suggest a way of thinking differently to the approach taken by many critical legal scholars. It then uses an analytics of government (based on Foucault’s notion of ‘governmentality’) to consider the construction of the legal identity differently. It examines the ways in which the governance of the legal identity is rationalised, programmed, and implemented, in three Queensland law schools. It also looks at the way that five prescriptive texts to ‘surviving’ law school suggest students establish and practise a relation to themselves in order to construct their own legal identities. Overall, this analysis shows that governance is not simply conducted in the profession’s interests, but occurs due to a complex arrangement of different practices, which can lead to the construction of skilled legal professional identities as well as ethical lawyer-citizens that hold an interest in justice. The implications of such an analytics provide the basis for original ways of understanding legal education, and legal education scholarship.

Becoming a 'Bastion Against Tyranny' : Australian legal education and the government of the self

Research into legal education suggests that many students enter law school with ideals about using the law to achieve social change, but graduate with some cynicism regarding these ideals. It is often argued that law schools provide a negative, competitive, and conservative environment for students, pushing many away from social justice ideals towards more self-interested, vocational concerns. This article uses Michel Foucault’s work on the government of the self to suggest another way of understanding this process. It examines a range of prescriptive texts that provide students with advice about how to study law and ‘survive’ law school. In doing so, it posits that this apparent loss of social ideals does not necessarily always signify that the student has become politically conservative or has had a negative educational experience. While these legal personae may appear outwardly conservative, and indeed still reflect particular gendered or raced perspectives, by examining the messages that these texts offer students, this article suggests that an apparent loss of social ideals can be the result of a productive shaping of the self. The legal persona they fashion can incorporate social justice ideals and necessitate specific ways of acting on those ideals. This analysis adds to the growing body of research that uses Foucault’s work to rethink common narratives of power and the shaping of the self in legal education, and provides legal educators with new ways of reflecting on the effects of legal education.

Legal education and the 'idealistic student': using Foucault to unpack the critical legal narrative

It appears that few of the students holding ‘socially idealistic’ goals upon entering law school actually maintain these upon graduation. The critical legal narrative, which explains and seeks to act upon this shift in the graduate’s ‘legal identity’, posits that these ideals are repressed through power relations that create passive receptacles into which professional ideologies can be deposited, in the interests of those advantaged by the social and legal status quo. Using the work of Michel Foucault, this paper unpacks the assumptions underpinning this narrative, particularly its arguments about ideology, power, and the subject. In doing so, it will argue this narrative provides an untenable basis for political action within legal education. By interrogating this narrative, this paper provides a new way of understanding the construction of the legal identity through legal education, and a new basis for political action within law school.

ICANN and the concept of democratic deficit

The Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) is an institution besieged. It has endeavored to be democratic but its attempts to do so have been disastrous. The typical explanation for this is that the problem is with ICANN: it fails to meet its democratic obligations. My view is that the problem is with our understanding of "democracy." Democracy is an empty concept that fails to describe few, if any, of our genuine political commitments. In the real world, the failings inherent in "democracy" have been papered over by some unusual characteristics of the physical political process. However, in online trans-national institutions like ICANN, democracy is exposed as a poor substitute for a number of other conceptions of our political commitments. This Article seeks to articulate these political commitments and to explain why democracy and ICANN are such a poor mix. It begins by charting the rise of ICANN and its attempts to be democratic. It then explains why democracy is an empty shell of a concept. It then explores some features of democracy and ICANN, explaining why the online world exposes limitations in implications of democracy such as the nature of the demos, the idea of constituencies, direct democracy, voting, and the like. It concludes that ICANN's example demonstrates that democracy is in fact anything but a coherent general theory of political action. We need to consider, then, whether we should continue to berate ICANN for its undemocratic actions.