Análisis del Espacio Schengen en materia de seguridad como base para la implementación del Protocolo sobre la Facilitación del Movimiento de Personas de la Comunidad para el Desarrollo de África Austral (SADC)

El fin de la Guerra Fría supuso no sólo el triunfo del capitalismo y de la democracia liberal, sino un cambio significativo en el Sistema Internacional; siendo menos centralizado y más regionalizado, como consecuencia de la proximidad y relaciones de interdependencia entre sus actores (no sólo Estados) y permitiendo la formación de Complejos Regionales de Seguridad (CRS). Los CRS son una forma efectiva de relacionarse y aproximarse a la arena internacional pues a través de sus procesos de securitización y desecuritización consiguen lograr objetivos específicos. Partiendo de ello, tanto la Unión Europea (UE) como la Comunidad para el Desarrollo de África Austral (SADC) iniciaron varios procesos de securitización relacionados con la integración regional; siendo un ejemplo de ello la eliminación de los controles en sus fronteras interiores o libre circulación de personas; pues consideraron que de no hacerse realidad, ello generaría amenazas políticas (su influencia y capacidad de actuación estaban amenazadas), económicas (en cuanto a su competitividad y niveles básicos de bienestar) y societales (en cuanto a la identidad de la comunidad como indispensable para la integración) que pondrían en riesgo la existencia misma de sus CRS. En esta medida, la UE creó el Espacio Schengen, que fue producto de un proceso de securitización desde inicios de la década de los 80 hasta mediados de la década de los 90; y la SADC se encuentra inmersa en tal proceso de securitización desde 1992 hasta la actualidad y espera la ratificación del Protocolo para la Facilitación del Movimiento de personas como primer paso para lograr la eliminación de controles en sus fronteras interiores. Si bien tanto la UE como la SADC consideraron que de no permitir la libre circulación de personas, su integración y por lo tanto, sus CRS estaban en riesgo; la SADC no lo ha logrado. Ello hace indispensable hacer un análisis más profundo de sus procesos de securitización para así encontrar sus falencias con respecto al éxito de la UE. El análisis está basado en la Teoría de los Complejos de Seguridad de Barry Buzan, plasmada en la obra Security a New Framework for Analysis (1998) de Barry Buzan, Ole Waever y Jaap de Wilde y será dividido en cada una de las etapas del proceso de securitización: la identificación de una amenaza existencial a un objeto referente a través de un acto discursivo, la aceptación de una amenaza por parte de una audiencia relevante y las acciones de emergencia para hacer frente a las amenazas existenciales; reconociendo las diferencias y similitudes de un proceso de securitización exitoso frente a otro que aún no lo ha sido.

Modelos de atracción y elección de la población adolescente y su relación con la violencia de género : propuesta para su prevención en base a los principios metodológicos de las comunidades de aprendizaje.

Resumen basado en el de la publicación

Cruce de culturas en la escuela.

Monográfico con el título: 'Pedagogía crítica del S. XXI'. El trabajo forma parte del Programa Daphne, impulsado en 2007 por iniciativa del Parlamento Europeo y el Consejo de Europa. Resumen basado en el de la publicación

Prevención de la violencia en centros escolares : el mediador escolar como recurso.

El artículo forma parte de una sección fija de la revista dedicada a innovación educativa

Rational conversion of substrate and product specificity in a Salvia monoterpene synthase: structural insights into the evolution of terpene synthase function

Terpene synthases are responsible for the biosynthesis of the complex chemical defense arsenal of plants and microorganisms. How do these enzymes, which all appear to share a common terpene synthase fold, specify the many different products made almost entirely from one of only three substrates? Elucidation of the structure of 1,8-cineole synthase from Salvia fruticosa (Sf-CinS1) combined with analysis of functional and phylogenetic relationships of enzymes within Salvia species identified active-site residues responsible for product specificity. Thus, Sf-CinS1 was successfully converted to a sabinene synthase with a minimum number of rationally predicted substitutions, while identification of the Asn side chain essential for water activation introduced 1,8-cineole and alpha-terpineol activity to Salvia pomifera sabinene synthase. A major contribution to product specificity in Sf-CinS1 appears to come from a local deformation within one of the helices forming the active site. This deformation is observed in all other mono- or sesquiterpene structures available, pointing to a conserved mechanism. Moreover, a single amino acid substitution enlarged the active-site cavity enough to accommodate the larger farnesyl pyrophosphate substrate and led to the efficient synthesis of sesquiterpenes, while alternate single substitutions of this critical amino acid yielded five additional terpene synthases.

On the near periodicity of eigenvalues of Toeplitz matrices

Let $A$ be an infinite Toeplitz matrix with a real symbol $f$ defined on $[-\pi, \pi]$. It is well known that the sequence of spectra of finite truncations $A_N$ of $A$ converges to the convex hull of the range of $f$. Recently, Levitin and Shargorodsky, on the basis of some numerical experiments, conjectured, for symbols $f$ with two discontinuities located at rational multiples of $\pi$, that the eigenvalues of $A_N$ located in the gap of $f$ asymptotically exhibit periodicity in $N$, and suggested a formula for the period as a function of the position of discontinuities. In this paper, we quantify and prove the analog of this conjecture for the matrix $A^2$ in a particular case when $f$ is a piecewise constant function taking values $-1$ and $1$.

PASSCLAIM: diet-related cancer

The strongest markers presently available are precancerous lesions (e. g. polyps or aberrant crypt foci) in humans and precancerous lesions and tumours in animal models. The only marker that presently can be used for a 'reduction of disease risk' claim (type B) for food components is 'polyp recurrence'. Type B claims cannot be made on the basis of results in animal models. All of the other biomarkers examined presently lack validation against the 'true endpoint', the tumour, and thus cannot be used for type B claims. 'Reduction of disease risk' claims in the area of 'diet-related cancer' should be based primarily on human intervention studies using relevant/acceptable endpoints. An important area for future research will be the validation of these surrogate endpoints.

The paradox of nationalism: the common denominator of radical right and radical left euroscepticism

What can explain the strong euroscepticism of radical parties of both the right and the left? This article argues that the answer lies in the paradoxical role of nationalism as a central element in both party families, motivating opposition towards European integration. Conventionally, the link between nationalism and euroscepticism is understood solely as a prerogative of radical right-wing parties, whereas radical left-wing euroscepticism is associated with opposition to the neoliberal character of the European Union.This article contests this view. It argues that nationalism cuts across party lines and constitutes the common denominator of both radical right-wing and radical left-wing euroscepticism. It adopts a mixed-methods approach, combining intensive case study analysis with quantitative analysis of party manifestos. First, it traces the link between nationalism and euroscepticism in Greece and France in order to demonstrate the internal validity of the argument. It then undertakes a cross-country statistical estimation to assess the external validity of the argument and its generalisability across Europe.

The civic zeitgeist: nationalism and liberal values in the European radical right

This article examines the relationship between nationalism and liberal values, and more specifically the redefinition of boundaries between national communities and others in the rhetoric of radical right parties in Europe. The aim is to examine the tension between radical right party discourse and the increasing need to shape this discourse in liberal terms. We argue that the radical right parties that successfully operate within the democratic system tend to be those best able to tailor their discourse to the liberal and civic characteristics of national identity so as to present themselves and their ideologies as the true authentic defenders of the nation's unique reputation for democracy, diversity and tolerance. Comparing the success of a number of European radical right parties ranging from the most electorally successful SVP to the more mixed BNP, FN and NPD, we show that the parties that effectively deploy the symbolic resources of national identity through a predominantly voluntaristic prism tend to be the ones that fare better within their respective political systems. In doing so, we challenge the conventional view in the study of nationalism which expects civic values to shield countries from radicalism and extremism.

British national identity and the dilemmas of multiculturalism

Nationalism and multiculturalism are often perceived as polar opposites with the former viewed as the disease and the latter the cure. Contrary to this view, this article argues that a strong national identity, albeit of a particular kind, is prerequisite to a stable and functioning multicultural society. The article seeks to identify both the causes and the implications of the absence of an overarching, civic national identity in Britain, further to the goal of seeking a meaningful solution. It is our contention that the problem lies in the difficulty involved in reconciling current pressures on British identity with a coherent narrative of British history, especially its imperial past.