Self-rule Index for Local Authorities (Release 1.0)

Local autonomy is a highly valued feature of good governance. The continuous attempts of many European countries to strengthen the autonomy of local government show the importance given to decentralisation and far-reaching competences at the lowest units of a state. Measuring and comparing local autonomy, however, has proven to be a difficult task. Not only are there diverging ideas about the core elements of local autonomy, there are also considerable difficulties to apply specific concepts to different countries. This project suggests a comprehensive methodology to measure local autonomy. It analyses 39 European countries and reports changes between 1990 and 2014. A network of experts on local government assessed the autonomy of local government of their respective countries on the basis of a common code book. The eleven variables measured are located on seven imensions and can be combined to a "Local Autonomy Index" (LAI). The data show an increase of local autonomy between 1990 and 2005, especially in the new Central and Eastern European countries. Countries with a particularly high degree of local autonomy are Switzerland, the Nordic countries, Germany and Poland.

Joblessness

The paper is divided into three parts, and a summary at the end. Part one explains how policies conditioned by historical circumstances moved away from the objective of high employment. Part two deals with the theoretical controversies in support or against particular policies. Part three sets out the basics in theory needed for a high employment policy. The paper concludes with a summary suggestion of some operational steps and observations.

The role of a minor party : a comparative study of the British Liberal Party and the Australian Country Party since 1918

and the Australian Country Party since 1918. 2. The thesis examines the proposition that the role of a minor party is determined, not by its total strength expressed as a percentage of the national vote, but by how its strength is concentrated. Australia and Britain were chosen for the comparison because of the many similarities in political culture and in the extent of class voting. Each country has a party - the Country Party in Australia and the Liberal Party in Britain - which has had a distinct impact on the political scene in their respective countries. In the period from 1918 to the present day neither party, at the national level, has ever held the largest number of seats in parliament let alone a majority of seats, and it is in this sense that they are herein defined as minor parties. In the thesis the constitutional background of and differences between Australia and Britain are reviewed, followed by a brief historical picture of each of the two parties being studied. The sources of supporc of the two parties are analysed and it is here that real differences emerge. The Country Party in Australia is a deliberately sectional party with a narrow rural base, whereas the British Liberal Party is more broadly based than either the Labour or Conservative Parties in Britain. 3. Party leadership and organisation are then discussed. Both parties have had outstanding leaders, Earle Page and McEwen for the Country Party; Asquith, Lloyd George and Grimond for the Liberal Party. Both parties have had relatively fewer leaders than their major party opponents. However, whereas the Country Party has been free of serious splits the Liberal Party was shattered on the leadership struggles of Asquith and Lloyd George. Both parties have been identified with decentralisation of state power, the Country Party through its support, albeit sometimes lukewarm of the New States Movement; the Liberal Party through its espousal of a federal system for Britain with separate Welsh, Scottish and regional assemblies. Unfortunately for the British Liberal Party the beneficiaries of their policies in this area have been relatively new nationalist parties in both Wales arid Scotland. The major part of the thesis is devoted to a study of how the electoral systems in the two countries have, in practice, worked to the advantage or disadvantage of the Country Party and the British Liberal Party. The Country Party has been as consistently over-represented in the House of Representatives as the Liberal Party has been under-represented in the British House of Commons. With the even distribution of its support the introduction of the single transferable vote, in itself, would bring little benefit to the British Liberal Party in terms of seats. Multimember urban constituencies combined with some type of list system are the only way the Liberals are likely to obtain House of Commons seats in proportion to their votes. 4. Finally, the relations of the two minor parties with their respective major parties are considered. In the conclusion the future of the two parties is reviewed. In general terms it appears that the Country Party is faced with a slow decline. Although the British Liberal Party made a major breakthrough, in terms of votes, in the February 1974 election, they were unable to maintain this momentum in the October election, even though they lost very little ground. In the long term they must make an inroad into Labour held seats if they are to progress further.

Protection des minorités et pluralisme national en Europe : l’influence décisive des institutions européennes sur les régimes de protection des minorités en France et en Hongrie

L’Europe engendre des transformations majeures de l’État national, influence sa structure politique, sa conception de la démocratie et du droit, et produit des effets sur les rapports majorité minorités. Elle a pour effet d’éloigner l’État national du modèle traditionnel de l’État-Nation ethniquement ou culturellement homogène en l’amenant à reconnaître la pluralité de ses composantes nationales. Ces mutations sont le résultat du processus même d’intégration communautaire et des politiques de régionalisation et de décentralisation que favorisent les institutions européennes. Soumis au double processus d’intégration supranationale et de désagrégation infranationale, l’État national se transforme. Son rapport avec les minorités, également. L’Europe commande des aménagements de la diversité. Pour y arriver, elle impose un droit à la différence, lequel s’inscrit toujours dans la protection générale des droits de l’homme mais vise spécifiquement à reconnaître des droits identitaires ou poly ethniques aux personnes appartenant à des minorités, en tant que groupe, dans le but évident de les protéger contre la discrimination et l’intolérance. En faisant la promotion de ce droit à la différence, l’Europe propose un modèle alternatif à l’État-Nation traditionnel. La nation (majorité) peut désormais s’accommoder de la diversité. La nation n’est plus seulement politique, elle devient socioculturelle. En faisant la promotion du principe de subsidiarité, l’Europe incite à la décentralisation et à la régionalisation. En proposant un droit de la différence, l’Union européenne favorise la mise au point de mécanismes institutionnels permanents où la négociation continue de la normativité juridique entre groupes différents est possible et où l’opportunité est donnée aux minorités de contribuer à la définition de cette normativité. Le pluralisme juridique engendré par la communautarisation reste par ailleurs fortement institutionnel. L’État communautarisé détient encore le monopole de la production du droit mais permet des aménagements institutionnels de l’espace public au sein d’un ensemble démocratique plus vaste, donc l’instauration d’un dialogue entre les différentes communautés qui le composent, ce qui aurait été impensable selon la théorie classique de l’État-nation, du droit moniste et monologique. Ainsi, assistons-nous à la transformation progressive dans les faits de l’État-nation en État multinational. La question des minorités soulève un problème de fond : celui de l'organisation politique minoritaire. La volonté de respecter toutes les identités collectives, de donner un statut politique à toutes les minorités et de satisfaire toutes les revendications particularistes n’a pas de fin. L’État-Nation n’est certes pas le meilleur –ni le seul- modèle d’organisation politique. Mais l’État multinational constitue-t-il une alternative viable en tant que modèle d’organisation politique ?

Gérer la ville au Bénin : la mise en œuvre du Registre foncier urbain à Cotonou, Porto-Novo et Bohicon

La gestion des villes d’Afrique de l’Ouest pose problème à la période contemporaine : extension urbaine non maitrisée, services de base insuffisants, insécurité foncière. À travers l’aide internationale, d’importantes réformes visant à améliorer son efficacité ont pourtant été mises en place, mais elles semblent avoir été inefficaces. Dépassant ce constat d’échec, la thèse vise à comprendre comment se déroule l’acte de gérer la ville dans les circonstances particulières des villes d’Afrique de l’Ouest. La mise en œuvre du Registre foncier urbain (RFU), système d’information foncière municipal multi-fonctions introduit au Bénin à travers des programmes de développement au début des années 1990, constitue le prisme à travers lequel la gestion urbaine est analysée. Celle-ci est ainsi approchée par les actes plutôt que par les discours. S’appuyant sur une démarche socio-anthropologique, la mise en œuvre de l’instrument est analysée depuis le point de vue des acteurs locaux et selon une double grille de lecture : d’une part, il s’agit de saisir les logiques de l’appropriation locale dont le RFU a fait l’objet au sein des administrations; d’autre part, il s’agit de comprendre son interaction avec le territoire, notamment avec les dynamiques complexes d’accès au sol et de sécurisation foncière. Une étude de cas multiple a été menée dans trois communes : Cotonou, Porto-Novo et Bohicon. Deux ensembles de conclusions en découlent. Tout d’abord, le RFU s’est imposé comme l’instrument pivot de la fiscalité locale, mais est mis en œuvre de manière minimale. Ce fonctionnement particulier est une adaptation optimale à un contexte fait de rivalités professionnelles au sein d’administrations cloisonnées, d’enjeux politico-financiers liés aux différentes sources de revenus communaux et de tensions politico-institutionnelles liées à une décentralisation tardive. Les impacts du RFU en termes de développement des compétences professionnelles nationales sont insuffisants pour réformer la gestion urbaine depuis l’intérieur de l’administration municipale. Ensuite, alors qu’il vise à centraliser l’information sur les propriétaires présumés de la terre, le RFU se heurte à la marchandisation de cette information et à la territorialisation de la régulation foncière. La mise en œuvre du RFU s’en trouve affectée de deux manières : d’une part, elle s’insère dans ces circuits marchands de l’information foncière, avec cependant peu de succès ; d’autre part, elle a un impact différencié selon les territoires de la régulation foncière. En définitive, l’acte de gérer la ville au Bénin n’est pas devenu automatique avec l’introduction d’instruments comme le RFU. La municipalité se repose plutôt sur les piliers classiques de l’action publique, l’administration et le politique, pour gérer la ville plurielle de manière différenciée. À l’endroit des concepteurs d’action publique, cette thèse plaide pour une prise en compte des modes de régulation existant dans les sociétés africaines, fussent-ils pluriels, reconnaissant les voies originales que prend la construction des institutions en Afrique.

Market Orientation in Indian Seafood Processing Firms

This thesis studied the impact of market orietnation on business performance, in the seafood industry, which is a unique situation wherein the firms were all 100% export oriented. The study was able to prove that in the context of the seafood indsutry, implementation of market orientation principles will lead to increase in business performance. The business performance variables were measured under two heads, namely economic performance and non-economic performance. Market orientation in Indian seafood firms was significantly and postiively related to both the performance measures. Under the non-economic performance, were the customer and employee consequences.Again market orientation was positively and significantly related to both the consequences.Thus, the implication arising from the study is this: market orientation in Indian seafood processing firms increases their business performance. The implementation of market orientation will help the seafood firms in gaining competitve advantages in exporting. This in turn will result in increased exports and the position of Indian seafood in the global market will be strengthened. It will thus become a leading player in the global fish trade. Next, the focus was on the effect of the antecedents on the market orientation of a firm. It was seen that several factors were antecedents to the adoption of market orientation principles. They include top management emphasis, conflict, centralization and reward system. It is noted that top management emphasis and support is vital to the market orientation programme. The top management needs to adopt market oriented behaviour and reinforce the need for being market oriented, for it to percolate down the line.Interdepartmental conflict is seen to affect market orientation positively. A large percent of the Indian seafood firms are traditionally family-owned companies, rather than professionally managed firms. This would result in promulgation of old ideas of management whereby, conflict was seen as a healthy exercise, which helped to build up each department's efficiency. But, this view in the long run proves to be detrimental to the firm's performance and must therefore be kept to a bare minimum, if any.Decentralisation of decision making facilitates the participation of the lower level employees and builds up their motivational levels and commitment to the firm. Thus employees are encouraged to make their own decisions, so that they can deal with customers faster and more efficiently. Reward systems help improve an employee's morale, provide encouragement and helps inculcate commitment and loyalty. It improves the employee's self worth and fulfills his need for achievement. A satisfied employee works better, produces more output and needs less supervision, and is happy, thereby reducing costs to the company for replacement and retraining, if the employee quits.Competitive intensity plays a moderating role on the market orientation business performance. Thus in times of greater competition, the relationship between market orientation and business performance grows stronger. Thus, this thesis was successful in investigating a positive relationship between business performance and market orientation.

District Level Planning In Kerala And Karnataka - A Comparative Study

When we consider Kerala and Karnataka States according to their levels of decentralisation. Kerala is at the beginning of the scale of decentralisation whereas Kamataka has moved far ahead along this scale. Therefore I in order to conduct a comparative study of the SUbject under analysis t Kamataka has been selected owing to the fact that it is in an advanced stage in the experience of district planning compared to Kerala , Karnataka could successfully implement district planning and it is me of the pioneering states in this regard. But Kerala has not gained much experience in the field of decentralised district planning till now. Furthermore Kerala and Kamataka states are selected for the present study due to operational reasons I besides the author I s familiarity with the socia-economic conditions of these states. Thus. an analysis of the district planning experience of Kamataka will provide constructive and valuable information. which will be of great importance to Kerala State, which is now aspiring to introduce ful.I-f'Iedge district planning by constituting elected District Coancils in every district of Kerala. Moreover. the findings and policy implications of the present study will be of immense help to planners, politicians. administrators, academicians and people at large.

Partial decentralization as a safeguard against favoritism

In this paper I investigate the optimal level of decentralization of tasks for the provision of a local public good. I enrich the well-known trade-off between internalization of spillovers (that favors centralization) and accountability (that favors decentralization) by considering that public goods are produced through multiple tasks. This adds an additional institutional setting, partial decentralization, to the classical choice between full decentralization and full centralization. The main results are that partial decentralization is optimal when both the variance of exogenous shocks to electorate’s utility is large and the electorate expects high performance from politicians. I also show that the optimal institutional setting depends on the degree of substitutability / complementarity between tasks. In particular, I show that a large degree of substitutability between tasks makes favoritism more likely, which increases the desirability of partial decentralization as a safeguard against favoritism.

Educação e autarquias : lógicas de acção do poder autárquico face ao poder central e aos micropoderes locais

A tendência para a mudança no papel do Estado, ou seja, de um Estado-educador para um Estado-regulador, fundamenta-se no discurso da racionalização, o qual é contraditório visto ser conjuntamente o discurso da recentralização, originando dinâmicas próprias mas também tensões entre o local e o centro. A territorialização das políticas educativas marca uma ruptura ideológica e cultural com a tradição centralista e universalista, e produz novas formas de articulação entre o nacional e o local. Ela associa-se a uma dupla vontade política do Estado, ao redistribuir o poder entre o centro e as periferias, e de lutar contra as desigualdades sociais. Assim, certos municípios desenvolvem (ou tentam desenvolver) sobre o seu território, numa lógica subsidiária, as políticas educativas que são as políticas sociais locais de tipo compensatório. Por sua vez, outros municípios, através de uma lógica de liderança, assumem uma aproximação liberal, sem fazerem necessariamente bandeira dos princípios da competitividade, da concorrência ou da eficácia que a fundamentam, mas dos princípios mais consensuais como a diversificação, a abertura ou a modernização do sistema escolar.

Ideology and the by-passing of the planning system: case studies of Canary Wharf, London and The Globe, Stockholm

This paper explores the relationship between political ideology and planning in Britain and Sweden, with particular emphasis on the by-passing of the planning system. The prevailing ideology in each country over the last ten years is outlined and the impact on planning identified. The argument is then given in greater depth through case studies of two major projects. For Britain, this involves setting out the main features of Thatcherism and the way that this has changed the purposes underlying planning and created a diversified planning system. This is followed by a case study of Canary Wharf. For Sweden, the consensus culture and the emphasis on participation and decentralisation are discussed. The new planning legislation of 1987 is outlined. These aspects are then contrasted with the fiscal crisis and the development of 'negotiation planning'. These themes are illustrated by a case study of the Globe in Stockholm.

Ideology, centralisation and urban planning in Britain and Sweden

This paper outlines the main elements of the Thatcherist ideology focusing on the process of centralisation. The implications of this process for British local government and planning are explored. Attention then turns to Sweden with a discussion of the consensus culture and decentralisation policy. Again the implications for planning are pursued with an emphasis on the 'negotiation' style of planning which has emerged in recent years. The concluding section compares the two experiences and notes many similarities notwithstanding the different ideological contexts.

Location and collocation advantages in international innovation

Purpose – This paper examines the role of location-specific (L) advantages in the spatial distribution of multinational enterprise (MNE) R&D activity. The meaning of L advantages is revisited. In addition to L advantages that are industry-specific, the paper emphasises that there is an important category of L advantages, referred to as collocation advantages. Design/methodology/approach – Using the OLI framework, this paper highlights that the innovation activities of MNEs are about interaction of these variables, and the essential process of internalising L advantages to enhance and create firm-specific advantages. Findings – Collocation advantages derive from spatial proximity to specific unaffiliated firms, which may be suppliers, competitors, or customers. It is also argued that L advantages are not always public goods, because they may not be available to all firms at a similar or marginal cost. These costs are associated with access and internalisation of L advantages, and – especially in the case of R&D – are attendant with the complexities of embeddedness. Originality/value – The centralisation/decentralisation, spatial separation/collocation debates in R&D location have been mistakenly viewed as a paradox facing firms, instead of as a trade-off that firms must make.

Transitions towards co-management: the process of marine resource management devolution in three east African countries

Communities are increasingly empowered with the ability and responsibility of working with national governments to make decisions about marine resources in decentralized co-management arrangements. This transition toward decentralized management represents a changing governance landscape. This paper explores the transition to decentralisation in marine resource management systems in three East African countries. The paper draws upon expert opinion and literature from both political science and linked social-ecological systems fields to guide exploration of five key governance transition concepts in each country: (1) drivers of change; (2) institutional arrangments; (3 institutional fit; (4) actor interactions; and (5) adaptive management. Key findings are that decentralized management in the region was largely donor-driven and only partly tranferred power to local stakeholders. However, increased accountability created a degree of democracy in regards to natural resource governance that was not previously present. Additionally, increased local-level adaptive management has emerged in most systems and, to date, this experimental management has helped to change resource user's views from metaphysical to more scientific cause-and-effect attribution of changes to resource conditions.

Nationalised large-scale mining, trade unions and community representation: perspectives from Northern Madagascar

This article critically explores the nature and purpose of relationships and inter-dependencies between stakeholders in the context of a parastatal chromite mining company in the Betsiboka Region of Northern Madagascar. An examination of the institutional arrangements at the interface between the mining company and local communities identified power hierarchies and dependencies in the context of a dominant paternalistic environment. The interactions, inter alia, limited social cohesion and intensified the fragility and weakness of community representation, which was further influenced by ethnic hierarchies between the varied community groups; namely, indigenous communities and migrants to the area from different ethnic groups. Moreover, dependencies and nepotism, which may exist at all institutional levels, can create civil society stakeholder representatives who are unrepresentative of the society they are intended to represent. Similarly, a lack of horizontal and vertical trust and reciprocity inherent in Malagasy society engenders a culture of low expectations regarding transparency and accountability, which further catalyses a cycle of nepotism and elite rent-seeking behaviour. On the other hand, leaders retain power with minimal vertical delegation or decentralisation of authority among levels of government and limit opportunities to benefit the elite, perpetuating rent-seeking behaviour within the privileged minority. Within the union movement, pluralism and the associated politicisation of individual unions restricts solidarity, which impacts on the movement’s capacity to act as a cohesive body of opinion and opposition. Nevertheless, the unions’ drive to improve their social capital has increased expectations of transparency and accountability, resulting in demands for greater engagement in decision-making processes.