914 resultados para Brazil-China trade


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Esta dissertação apresenta uma análise da regulação da inovação em países do Trópico Úmido. A questão norteadora é como estes países lidam com a regulação da propriedade industrial nas suas políticas de inovação e como eles incorporam sua rica biodiversidade neste contexto. Propriedade intelectual – particularmente patentes – fornece uma ampla discussão nas políticas de inovação, contudo, também indicam como as questões da biodiversidade são negligenciadas pelos governos ao estabelecer seu caminho de convergência para o desenvolvimento. O estudo selecionou alguns países do Trópico Úmido que são conhecidos por seus esforços de convergência e de grande biodiversidade, são eles: Brasil, China, Cingapura, Filipinas, Índia, Indonésia, Malásia, México, Tailândia, Taiwan e Vietnã. Os dados coletados nas bases de dados de patentes da Organização Mundial da Propriedade Intelectual – OMPI mostram que esses países fazem pouco uso de patentes para a proteção da biodiversidade. O conhecimento científico sobre a riqueza de espécies e sua apropriação pela sociedade é limitada. Isso pode ocorrer quando a biodiversidade não é vista pelas instituições do Trópico Úmido como um ativo crucial. Argumenta-se que os países devem concentrar seus investimentos em P&D em ativos específicos, portanto, nós acreditamos que isso se aplica para a biodiversidade. Fazendo uma análise dos sistemas de patentes de regulamentação desses países selecionados, verificou-se que os requisitos básicos de uma patente são padronizados. Nossa análise sugere que os países do Trópico Úmido redirecionem a sua proteção da propriedade intelectual, a fim de que as inovações futuras destaquem os ativos específicos da região. Além disso, um projeto cuidadoso de leis sobre esses direitos é necessário, levando em conta os aspectos econômicos, sociais e ambientais. A divulgação das vantagens locais através da análise da intensidade da apropriação da biodiversidade por meio do sistema de patentes, bem como a comparação entre a dinâmica das leis de patentes dos países no sistema de inovação, pode orientar as decisões institucionais em relação ao desenvolvimento tecnológico regional.

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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

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Brood desertion is a life history strategy that allows parents to minimize costs related to parental care and increase their future fecundity. The harvestman Neosadocus maximus is an interesting model organism to study costs and benefits of temporary brood desertion because females abandon their clutches periodically and keep adding eggs to their clutches for some weeks. In this study, we tested if temporary brood desertion (a) imposes a cost to caring females by increasing the risk of egg predation and (b) offers a benefit to caring females by increasing fecundity as a result of increased foraging opportunities. With intensive field observations followed by a model selection approach, we showed that the proportion of consumed eggs was very low during the day and it was not influenced by the frequency of brood desertion. The proportion of consumed eggs was higher at night and it was negatively related to the frequency of brood desertion. However, frequent brood desertion did not result in higher fecundity, measured both as the number of eggs added to the current clutch and the probability of laying a second clutch over the course of the reproductive season. Considering that harvestmen are sensitive to dehydration, brood desertion during the day may attenuate the physiological stress of remaining exposed on the vegetation. Moreover, since brood desertion is higher during the day, when egg predation pressure is lower, caring females could be adjusting their maternal effort to the temporal variation in predation risk, which is regarded as the main cost of brood desertion in ectotherms.

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The obesity epidemic is spreading to low-income and middle-income countries as a result of new dietary habits and sedentary ways of life, fuelling chronic diseases and premature mortality. In this report we present an assessment of public health strategies designed to tackle behavioural risk factors for chronic diseases that are closely linked with obesity, including aspects of diet and physical inactivity, in Brazil, China, India, Mexico, Russia, and South Africa. England was included for comparative purposes. Several population-based prevention policies can be expected to generate substantial health gains while entirely or largely paying for themselves through future reductions of health-care expenditures. These strategies include health information and communication strategies that improve population awareness about the benefits of healthy eating and physical activity; fiscal measures that increase the price of unhealthy food content or reduce the cost of healthy foods rich in fibre; and regulatory measures that improve nutritional information or restrict the marketing of unhealthy foods to children. A package of measures for the prevention of chronic diseases would deliver substantial health gains, with a very favourable cost-effectiveness profile.

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Hong Kong firms continue to play an important role in the development of mainland China trade. This paper studies the nature of coordinations in triadic interactions between Hong Kong Chinese intermediaries and mainland Chinese sellers, and buyers from the West, and their impact on relationships development. Contrary to popular belief, the results presented here identify that interactions between Hong Kong intermediaries and mainland Chinese sellers tend to include relationships based on price and authority. These interactions tend to be classical in nature, and serve to hinder the development of relationships. On the other hand, interactions between buyers from the West and Hong Kong intermediaries tend to be relational in nature. They include different forms of personal relationships, which tends to be positive for the development of relationships. A new plural form of international business relationship triad is also identified.

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O estudo sociopolítico aqui contido analisa a ausência da participação dos professores do ensino público da rede estadual de São Paulo nos movimentos sindicais, a partir da década de 2000. À desvalorização da carreira e os baixos salários continuam sendo queixas semelhantes ao passado; o que difere é que não há mais movimento como no passado. Para pesquisar tal inércia partimos da observação da participação dos professores nos movimentos sindicais a partir de 1980 até 2009 e dividimos em dois períodos: o primeiro período, que vai de 1980 a 1989 e 1990 a 1999, (porque neles, ocorreram as maiores movimentações da categoria), e um segundo período que vai de 2000 a 2009 (onde se observa claramente o declínio de tais movimentos). O objetivo dessa pesquisa é responder por que o professor atualmente não participa mais dos movimentos sindicais e o que provoca a ausência dos professores nos movimentos da categoria. Faremos a pesquisa com duas gerações de professores distintas: uma geração que vivenciou os movimentos da categoria nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, e que ainda está ativa na rede pública, e outra geração de jovens professores que ingressaram a partir de 2000. A hipótese aqui levantada é a de que as diferenças da origem de classe social dos professores, a formação política e a formação universitária dentro dos moldes neoliberais e a política neoliberal adotada para a educação pública do Estado de São Paulo, foram os fatores que influenciaram o nível de participação dos docentes em movimentos sindicais, gerando diferenças de comportamento reivindicatório entre as gerações. A pesquisa não tem por objetivo a análise das entidades sindicais e sim do pensamento e sentimento dos elementos que compõem esses sindicatos e formam a alma dos movimentos: os professores.

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Grounded in configuration theory, this study investigates the notion of co-alignment of business orientation, marketing assets and marketing capabilities, and their relationships to performance. Using these criteria, profiles of high performing businesses were derived and assessed against a three country sample of Brazil, China and the UK. Findings are consistent, statistically significant and invariant across the sample. They show that businesses with ideal profiles significantly outperform competitors in terms of market-based performance, customer satisfaction, and financial performance. Furthermore, profiles of top performing organizations are similar across countries with respect to their orientations, assets, and capabilities. Only customer-based assets, network capabilities, and customer and shareholder orientations were different. Implications and future research directions are subsequently addressed.

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This multi-site, multi-ethnic/cultural study examined the effects of variation between ethnic/cultural groups and the effects of institutional variation within ethnic/cultural groups on identity formation. The participants were 892 late adolescent college students from six sites in 5 countries (Brazil, China, Costa Rica, US, and Sweden) representing different linguistic and ethnic/cultural traditions living in the context of varied social conditions. As hypothesized, there were significant differences in the proportion of identity statuses between sites in the Personal domain, $\chi\sp2$(20, N = 858) = 164.78, $p<.001,$ the Interpersonal domain, $\chi\sp2$(20, N = 858) = 145.69, $p<.001,$ and the World View domain, $\chi\sp2$(20, N = 858) = 120.89, $p<.001,$ but the distribution of the differences was more complex than expected. In addition, there were significant differences in Identity Satisfaction among sites, F(15, 2325) = 12.65, $p<.001.$ Further univariate analyses revealed that differences among sites were found on Identity Satisfaction in the personal, interpersonal and world view domain. The direction of the differences, however, were more complex than hypothesized.^ The second hypothesis was confirmed but only with the world view identity status and not for each of the six sites. Stepwise discriminant analyses showed that Identity status in the world view domain was predicted by Institutional Support in Nebraska, gender and Institutional Change in Brazil, and Institutional Access in China. Lastly and as hypothesized, some Institutional Attributes significantly predicted Overall Identity Satisfaction in all sites as revealed by multivariate regression analyses, except in Sweden, F (5, 79) =.660, p =.65. These findings extend the literature on identity formation not only by having investigated how culture influences the process of identity formation with samples representing different ethnic/cultural and linguistically different populations but also by empirically testing the role that social processes play in identity formation at the cross-cultural level. ^

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This multi-site, multi-ethnic/cultural study examined the effects of variation between ethnic/cultural groups and the effects of institutional variation within ethnic/cultural groups on identity formation. The participants were 892 late adolescent college students from six sites in 5 countries (Brazil, China, Costa Rica, US, and Sweden) representing different linguistic and ethnic/cultural traditions living in the context of varied social conditions. As hypothesized, there were significant differences in the proportion of identity statuses between sites in the Personal domain, X2(20, N=858)= 164.78, p2(20, N=858)= 145.69, p2(20, N=858)= 120.89, p

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El contrabando técnico representa un problema para los hacedores de política económica pues tiene efectos perversos en temas fundamentales como la hacienda pública, la competencia de mercado y la informalidad. Sin embargo, a pesar de ser un problema tan importante son pocos los esfuerzos empíricos que se han hecho para estudiar los incentivos que están detrás de esta práctica ilegal, tanto a nivel global como para el caso colombiano. En este trabajo se desarrolla un modelo teórico a partir del cual se estudian los incentivos para la existencia del contrabando, y sus conclusiones se contrastan con una aplicación empírica en la que se utilizan datos de importaciones (reporte de origen y destino) de 24 sectores económicos (583 productos) provenientes de 84 países entre 1998 y 2013. Con estos datos se estima un modelo de panel de datos en el que se encuentra que hay una relación positiva entre la corrupción y el contrabando y también entre los aranceles y el contrabando técnico, indicando que se presenta una mayor subfacturación en productos que tienen aranceles altos y provienen de países más corruptos.

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The 10th European Conference on Information Systems Management is being held at The University of Evora, Portugal on the 8 /9 September 2016. The Conference Chair is Paulo Silva and the Programme Chairs are Prof. Rui Quaresma and Prof. António Guerreiro. ECISM provides an opportunity for individuals researching and working in the broad field of information systems management, including IT evaluation to come together to exchange ideas and discuss current research in the field. This has developed into a particularly important forum for the present era, where the modern challenges of managing information and evaluating the effectiveness of related technologies are constantly evolving in the world of Big Data and Cloud Computing. We hope that this year’s conference will provide you with plenty of opportunities to share your expertise with colleagues from around the world. The keynote speakers for the Conference are Carlos Zorrinho from the Portuguese Delegation and Isabel Ramos from University of Minho, Portugal. ECISM 2016 received an initial submission of 84 abstracts. After the double blind peer review process 25 aca demic papers, 7 PhD research papers, 3 Masters research paper and 5 work in progress papers have been ac cepted for publication in these Conference Proceedings. These papers represent research from around the world, including Belgium, Brazil, China, Czech Republic, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, New Zealand, Norway, Oman, Poland, Portugal, South Africa, Sweden, The Netherlands, UK and Vietnam.

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This paper empirically investigated the extent to which China displaced its competitors in high-tech exports using disaggregated data for the period 1992–2013. To address the endogeneity problem, we used a comprehensive set of instruments for Chinese high-tech exports in relevant markets, including China's GDP and distances to those markets. Results of our IV regressions revealed that in most of the high-tech sectors, Chinese exports had displaced the exports of its developing competitors such as India, South American exporters like Brazil and Mexico, and South-East Asian countries like Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam, especially in the period prior to the 2007–08 global financial crisis. Yet, Chinese exports had been associated with more high-tech exports of developed exporters like OECD countries, South Korea and Japan. Our findings suggest that while China became the world's top high-tech exporter, its high-tech exported products had been substitutes to those of other developing and emerging economies but complementary to that of developed economies.

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“If Hollywood could order intellectual property laws for Christmas, what would they look like? This is pretty close.” David Fewer “While European and American IP maximalists have pushed for TRIPS-Plus provisions in FTAs and bilateral agreements, they are now pushing for TRIPS-Plus-Plus protections in these various forums.” Susan Sell “ACTA is a threat to the future of a free and open Internet.” Alexander Furnas “Implementing the agreement could open a Pandora's box of potential human rights violations.” Amnesty International. “I will not take part in this masquerade.” Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament Executive Summary As an independent scholar and expert in intellectual property, I am of the view that the Australian Parliament should reject the adoption of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. I would take issue with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s rather partisan account of the negotiations, the consultations, and the outcomes associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. In my view, the negotiations were secretive and biased; the local consultations were sometimes farcical because of the lack of information about the draft texts of the agreement; and the final text of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 is not in the best interests of Australia, particularly given that it is a net importer of copyright works and trade mark goods and services. I would also express grave reservations about the quality of the rather pitiful National Interest Analysis – and the lack of any regulatory impact statement – associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The assertion that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 does not require legislative measures is questionable – especially given the United States Trade Representative has called the agreement ‘the highest-standard plurilateral agreement ever achieved concerning the enforcement of intellectual property rights.’ It is worthwhile reiterating that there has been much criticism of the secretive and partisan nature of the negotiations surrounding the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Sean Flynn summarizes these concerns: "The negotiation process for ACTA has been a case study in establishing the conditions for effective industry capture of a lawmaking process. Instead of using the relatively transparent and inclusive multilateral processes, ACTA was launched through a closed and secretive “‘club approach’ in which like-minded jurisdictions define enforcement ‘membership’ rules and then invite other countries to join, presumably via other trade agreements.” The most influential developing countries, including Brazil, India, China and Russia, were excluded. Likewise, a series of manoeuvres ensured that public knowledge about the specifics of the agreement and opportunities for input into the process were severely limited. Negotiations were held with mere hours notice to the public as to when and where they would be convened, often in countries half away around the world from where public interest groups are housed. Once there, all negotiation processes were closed to the public. Draft texts were not released before or after most negotiating rounds, and meetings with stakeholders took place only behind closed doors and off the record. A public release of draft text, in April 2010, was followed by no public or on-the-record meetings with negotiators." Moreover, it is disturbing that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 has been driven by ideology and faith, rather than by any evidence-based policy making Professor Duncan Matthews has raised significant questions about the quality of empirical evidence used to support the proposal of Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011: ‘There are concerns that statements about levels of counterfeiting and piracy are based either on customs seizures, with the actual quantities of infringing goods in free circulation in any particular market largely unknown, or on estimated losses derived from industry surveys.’ It is particularly disturbing that, in spite of past criticism, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has supported the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011, without engaging the Productivity Commission or the Treasury to do a proper economic analysis of the proposed treaty. Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament, quit his position, and said of the process: "I want to denounce in the strongest possible manner the entire process that led to the signature of this agreement: no inclusion of civil society organisations, a lack of transparency from the start of the negotiations, repeated postponing of the signature of the text without an explanation being ever given, exclusion of the EU Parliament's demands that were expressed on several occasions in our assembly. As rapporteur of this text, I have faced never-before-seen manoeuvres from the right wing of this Parliament to impose a rushed calendar before public opinion could be alerted, thus depriving the Parliament of its right to expression and of the tools at its disposal to convey citizens' legitimate demands.” Everyone knows the ACTA agreement is problematic, whether it is its impact on civil liberties, the way it makes Internet access providers liable, its consequences on generic drugs manufacturing, or how little protection it gives to our geographical indications. This agreement might have major consequences on citizens' lives, and still, everything is being done to prevent the European Parliament from having its say in this matter. That is why today, as I release this report for which I was in charge, I want to send a strong signal and alert the public opinion about this unacceptable situation. I will not take part in this masquerade." There have been parallel concerns about the process and substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the context of Australia. I have a number of concerns about the substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. First, I am concerned that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 fails to provide appropriate safeguards in respect of human rights, consumer protection, competition, and privacy laws. It is recommended that the new Joint Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights investigate this treaty. Second, I argue that there is a lack of balance to the copyright measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – the definition of piracy is overbroad; the suite of civil remedies, criminal offences, and border measures is excessive; and there is a lack of suitable protection for copyright exceptions, limitations, and remedies. Third, I discuss trade mark law, intermediary liability, and counterfeiting. I express my concerns, in this context, that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 could have an adverse impact upon consumer interests, competition policy, and innovation in the digital economy. I also note, with concern, the lobbying by tobacco industries for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – and the lack of any recognition in the treaty for the capacity of countries to take measures of tobacco control under the World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Fourth, I note that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 provides no positive obligations to promote access to essential medicines. It is particularly lamentable that Australia and the United States of America have failed to implement the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health 2001 and the WTO General Council Decision 2003. Fifth, I express concerns about the border measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Such measures lack balance – and unduly favour the interests of intellectual property owners over consumers, importers, and exporters. Moreover, such measures will be costly, as they involve shifting the burden of intellectual property enforcement to customs and border authorities. Interdicting, seizing, and destroying goods may also raise significant trade issues. Finally, I express concern that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 undermines the role of existing international organisations, such as the United Nations, the World Intellectual Property Organization and the World Trade Organization, and subverts international initiatives such as the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. I also question the raison d'être, independence, transparency, and accountability of the proposed new ‘ACTA Committee’. In this context, I am concerned by the shift in the position of the Labor Party in its approach to international treaty-making in relation to intellectual property. The Australian Parliament adopted the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, which included a large Chapter on intellectual property. The treaty was a ‘TRIPs-Plus’ agreement, because the obligations were much more extensive and prescriptive than those required under the multilateral framework established by the TRIPS Agreement 1994. During the debate over the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Party expressed the view that it would seek to mitigate the effects of the TRIPS-Plus Agreement, when at such time it gained power. Far from seeking to ameliorate the effects of the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Government would seek to lock Australia into a TRIPS-Double Plus Agreement – the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. There has not been a clear political explanation for this change in approach to international intellectual property. For both reasons of process and substance, I conclude that the Australian Parliament and the Australian Government should reject the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The Australian Government would do better to endorse the Washington Declaration on Intellectual Property and the Public Interest 2011, and implement its outstanding obligations in respect of access to knowledge, access to essential medicines, and the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. The case study of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 highlights the need for further reforms to the process by which Australia engages in international treaty-making.