Eleanor Roosevelt: supporting Zion, denying Palestine

Eleanor Roosevelt, as a renowned humanitarian, portrayed an inconsistency by supporting Zionist ambitions for a national homeland in Palestine while simultaneously ignoring the rights of the indigenous Palestinians. Because of this dichotomy, this dissertation explores her attitudes, her disposition and her position in light of the conflict in the region. It conveys how her particular character traits interplayed with the cultural influences prevalent in mid-century America and encouraged her empathy with the plight of European Jews after the Holocaust. As she evolved politically, initially under the tutelage of Franklin Roosevelt and latterly as a UN delegate, she outgrew the anti-Semitism of the period to become a committed Zionist. Judging the Palestinians as ‘primitives’ incapable of self-government and heartened by Jewish development, she supported the partition of Palestine in November 1947. After the 1948 Arab-Israeli war the 800,000 Palestinian refugees encamped in neighbouring Arab states threatened to destabilise the region. Her solution was to discourage repatriation and to re-settle them in Iraq – a plan that directly contravened the principles of the December 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaimed by the UN committee she had chaired. No detailed work has been conducted on these aspects of Eleanor Roosevelt’s life; this dissertation reveals a complex person rather than a model of ‘humanitarianism’, and one whose activities cannot be so simply categorised. In the eight chapters that follow, her own thoughts are disclosed through her ‘My Day’ newspaper column, through letters to friends and to members of the public that petitioned her, through a scrutiny of her articles, books and autobiography. This information was attained as a result of archival research in the US and in The Netherlands and was considered against an extensive range of secondary literature. During the Cold War, to offset Soviet incursion, Eleanor Roosevelt promoted Jewish usurpation of Palestinian lands with equanimity in order that an industrious Western-style democracy would bring stability to the region. These events facilitated the exposure of a latent Orientalism and an imperialistic lien that fostered paternalism in a woman new to the nuances of international diplomacy.

Gender and Cosmopolitanism in Europe: A Feminist Perspective

Gender and Cosmopolitanism in Europe combines a feminist critique of contemporary and prominent approaches to cosmopolitanism with an in-depth analysis of historical cosmopolitanism and the manner in which gendered symbolic boundaries of national political communities in two European countries are drawn. Exploring the work of prominent scholars of new cosmopolitanism in Britain and Germany, including Held, Habermas, Beck and Bhabha, it delivers a timely intervention into current debates on globalisation, Europeanisation and social processes of transformation in and beyond specific national societies.

A rigorous examination of the emancipatory potential of current debates surrounding cosmopolitanism in Europe, this book will be of interest to sociologist and political scientists working on questions of identity, inclusion, citizenship, globalisation, cosmopolitanism and gender.
Contents: Introduction: gendered cosmopolitanism: the scope of this book; Who belongs? Who is the Other?; Recognition, social equality and the current EU anti-discrimination policy; Kulturnation and the homogenised notion of community belonging: Jürgen Habermas's and Ulrich Beck's approaches to 'European' cosmopolitanism; Global trade, the city and commercial cosmopolitanism: David Held's and Homi K. Bhabha's approaches to new cosmopolitanism; About dead-ends, one-way streets and critical crossroads; Transversal conversations on the scope of new cosmopolitanism beyond the Eurocentric framework; Bibliography; Index.

Guerre et exil chez Louis-Ferdinand Céline

O nosso estudo incide, primordialmente, sobre as polémicas de carácter político e consequentes acusações de que Louis-Ferdinand Céline foi – e continua a ser – alvo. Tais aspectos conduzem-nos a questionar, com alguma veemência e perplexidade, as razões da sua fuga através da Alemanha, bem como as relações que estabeleceu com os Nazis durante a segunda guerra mundial. Num primeiro momento, elaborámos uma contextualização de cariz temporal e factual, tentando perceber – quiçá explicar -, o sentido das posições assumidas por Céline aquando da composição dos seus pamphlets, marcada por uma reivindicação violenta do seu antisemitismo e que surge, omnipresente, sob forma de cartas, entrevistas e outros escritos. Contudo, a essência do nosso trabalho consistiu numa análise detalhada das diferentes etapas dos anos de exílio do escritor, primeiro numa Alemanha devastada pela guerra, onde se refugia a partir de 17 de Junho de 1944 e mais tarde, na Dinamarca (1945-1951), de onde terá de responder às acusações de traição que lhe são dirigidas pela justiça francesa, antes de um regresso sem glória, a França, e de uma reabilitação tardia e titubeante. Os escritos que constituem o corpus do nosso trabalho traduzem, de modo inequívoco, a experiência amarga e cruel dos anos de exílio e da lembrança feita de dor e ódio, que o escritor sentiu profundamente, como um espinho na própria carne. Apesar do caminho tortuoso, que lhe confere uma aura de escritor “maldito”, Céline permanece, ainda hoje, como um dos maiores génios da literatura francesa do século XX.

Liberté? : réflexion sur un problème dans l'éthique de Theodor Adorno

La réflexion morale de Theodor Adorno est manifestement traversée par une tension : l’exigence paradoxale d’enraciner pleinement la morale à la fois dans les impulsions les plus vives et dans la raison la plus lucide. Plus qu’une excentricité parmi d’autres de la figure de proue de l’École de Francfort, le présent mémoire donne à penser que ce problème pourrait être une des principales charnières de son éthique. L’objectif de ma recherche est de dégager une voie pour articuler conjointement, «sans sacrifice aucun», ces deux exigences. Pour ce faire, je tenterai d’étayer l’hypothèse suivante : l’analyse du problème de la liberté et de la non-liberté que développe le premier des trois «modèles» de Dialectique négative permet de comprendre à la fois le lien et l’écart entre la dimension impulsive et rationnelle de l’éthique d’Adorno. L’argument qui sera déployé se penchera d’abord sur le problème de la non-liberté et son incarnation à travers le phénomène concret de l’antisémitisme ainsi que de la peur et de la rage animale dans lesquelles il s’enracine, pour ensuite examiner la conception adornienne de la liberté dans ses deux dimensions de «pleine conscience théorique» et «d’impulsion spontanée», et pour finalement tenter d’apprécier la portée plus générale pour la compréhension de l’éthique d’Adorno de cette interprétation du problème de la liberté en tentant de comprendre sur cette base son «nouvel impératif catégorique».

El humor judío femenino argentino contemporáneo en la narrativa de Alicia Steimberg, Silvia Plager y Ana María Shúa

En la creación literaria latinoamericana del siglo XX, la narrativa de los autores judíos ha proseguido un trayecto aparte, casi silencioso, en relación con la escritura canónica del continente. No obstante, hacia los años setenta, surge una producción literaria judía femenina que hoy ha alcanzado un renombre internacional. Esta tesis estudia la peculiaridad literaria del humor judío femenino argentino contemporáneo en torno a la definición de la identidad y rol de género, para comprender cómo se resignifica la hibridez cultural en el texto literario. El humor como catarsis de conflictos problematiza la relación entre lo propio y lo ajeno mediante una puesta en tela de juicio de la realidad para manifestarse como una preocupación, una responsabilidad y un compromiso crítico. A través del análisis de las obras de Alicia Steimberg, Silvia Plager y Ana María Shúa, la investigación reconfigura la vida judía diaspórica y el sentido de ser mujer respecto a la importancia del ámbito culinario en cuanto al influjo de la modernidad argentina en la tradición judía. En este estudio, se analizarán las novelas Músicos y relojeros, Como papas para varenikes y Risas y emociones de la cocina judía donde las diferentes reflexiones de Steimberg, Plager y Shúa en relación con la historia judía elaboran discursos con singulares diferencias en la intención humorística. En la primera parte de la tesis, se hará mención de diversas perspectivas teóricas que destacan las implicaciones psicológicas, sociales y psicoanalíticas respecto al humor en general, el humor de la minoría, el humor femenino y el humor judío. En los tres capítulos subsiguientes, se procederá a una lectura de los textos antes mencionados para interpretar las preocupaciones de nuestro tema frente a los dictámenes que la religión y sociedad desean imponer. Finalmente, la conclusión aborda la evolución de una visión entre humor negro, humor como crítica social y humor como lúdico juego en paralelo con una búsqueda de la identidad híbrida actualizada mediante una crítica de lo tradicional.

El Discurso de Hamás como elemento perpetuador del conflicto Israel-Palestina a partir de la Segunda Intifada

El conflicto árabe-israelí es de los más antiguos que existen en el mundo, es por esto que es importante conocer algunas de las causalidades del por qué este conflicto no ha logrado solucionarse. En este caso se estudiará como el discurso de Hamás logra influir en la prolongación de este conflicto. Para determinar como el discurso logra influir se hace la división en tres capítulos. En el primer capitulo se determinan cuales son los elementos característicos de su discurso; en este caso los elementos son antisemitismo, irredentismo y nacionalismo que se encuentran presentes en todos los discursos y en su carta fundacional. En una segunda parte se busca determinar como el discurso se convierte en realidad, haciéndose tangible por medio de atentados terroristas por parte del brazo armado de Hamás denominado Ezzedine Al-Qassam. En el último capítulo se determina como el discurso se convierte en un elemento determinante para la prolongación del conflicto y de que manera afecta tanto a la población israelí como a la palestina. Por otra parte se busca evidenciar como el discurso de Hamás influye en diferentes niveles (individual, comunitario, binacional e internacional). Finalmente se logra establecer como el discurso de Hamás y las experiencias de vida de israelíes y palestinos configuran el escenario perfecto para la continuación del conflicto.

Impegno nero: Italian intellectuals and the African-American struggle

In the aftermath of the Second World War, Italian intellectuals participated in Italy’s reconstruction with an ideological commitment inspired by the African-American struggle for equal rights in the United States. Drawing on the work of many of the leading figures in postwar Italian culture, including Italo Calvino, Giorgio Caproni, Cesare Pavese, and Elio Vittorini, this essay argues that Italian intellectual impegno—defined as the effort to remake Italian culture and to guide Italian social reform—was united with a significant investment in the African-American cause. The author terms this tendency impegno nero and traces its development in the critical reception of African-American writers including W.E.B. DuBois, Langston Hughes, and Richard Wright. Postwar impegno nero is then contrasted with the treatment of African-American themes under Fascism, when commentators had likewise condemned American racism, but had paradoxically linked their laments for the plight of African Americans with defenses of the racial policies of the Fascist regime. Indeed, Fascist colonialism and anti-Semitism were both justified through references to what Fascist intellectuals believed to be America’s greater injustices. After 1945, in contrast, Italian intellectuals advocated an international, interdependent campaign for justice, symbolizing national reforms by projecting them onto an emblematic America. In this way, impegno nero revived and revised the celebrated "myth of America" that had developed in Italy between the world wars. Advancing a new, postwar myth, Italian intellectuals adopted the African-American struggle in order to reinforce their own efforts in the ongoing struggle for justice in Italy.

Shiro, Burt and Phyllis, interviewed by Sam Levine on January 17, 2010: Audio Recording

Some of the themes discussed are: • Occupation—store, The Jefferson Hotel (2, 4-6, 11, 17-18) • Food (2) • Colby—Greek life (3, 7) • Military service (3-4) • Bar Mitzvah (6, 12) • Life in Waterville—Circus (6) • Anti-semitism (10-12) • Occupation—law (8-9) • Occupation—legislature (14) • Jewish education (12) • Synagogue (13) • Civic engagement—United Way (15) • Civic engagement (26-28) • Camp—Modin (18) • College—attendance (19) • Colby—football (20-21, 23, 30)

Shiro, Burt, and Phyllis, interviewed by Sam Levine on January 17, 2010: Transcript

Some of the themes discussed are: • Occupation—store, The Jefferson Hotel (2, 4-6, 11, 17-18) • Food (2) • Colby—Greek life (3, 7) • Military service (3-4) • Bar Mitzvah (6, 12) • Life in Waterville—Circus (6) • Anti-semitism (10-12) • Occupation—law (8-9) • Occupation—legislature (14) • Jewish education (12) • Synagogue (13) • Civic engagement—United Way (15) • Civic engagement (26-28) • Camp—Modin (18) • College—attendance (19) • Colby—football (20-21, 23, 30)

A modernidade e as massas: uma perspectiva do projeto político nazista através do Mein Kampf de Adolf Hitler

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

O integralismo no sertão de São Paulo: um fascio de intelectuais

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Il discorso politico culturale del Deutscher Geist in Gefahr di Ernst Robert Curtius

Nel 1932 Ernst Robert Curtius pubblica il pamphlet politico culturale Deutscher Geist in Gefahr nel quale chiarisce il suo pensiero di fronte alla grave crisi in cui versa la Germania. Egli si schiera contro le posizioni di destra del suo tempo, delle quali critica apertamente la boria nazionalista, il rozzo antisemitismo e la creazione di un mito nazionale elaborato come strumento di manipolazione dell’opinione pubblica. Ritiene inoltre inaccettabili le posizioni rivoluzionarie, tanto di destra quanto di sinistra, che vogliono liberarsi della tradizione umanistica europea e disprezzano la Zivilisation francese; allo stesso modo rifiuta l’ideale di un germanesimo eroico avulso dalla storia europea e respinge infine tutte le forme di nichilismo che si risolvono in un atteggiamento di indifferenza nei confronti della realtà, dei valori e della storia. Curtius accetta il sistema democratico come unica soluzione e ritiene che le decisioni politiche debbano mirare al bene di tutti i ceti sociali indipendentemente dagli interessi di partiti e di singoli gruppi. Rifiuta qualunque forma, anche culturale, di supremazia della Germania, aspira a un’Europa cosmopolita, le cui nazioni siano valorizzate nelle loro caratteristiche specifiche, ed è convinto che per la costruzione della pace gli europei debbano vivere, studiare e lavorare insieme imparando gli uni le lingue degli altri. Per Curtius l’Umanesimo della tradizione classica e la letteratura del Medioevo sono parte integrante della vita di ogni europeo e fonte di energie spirituali per affrontare in modo creativo il presente e il futuro.

"Hey, Hey, He Gay, He Gay . . . Okay" . . . Or Is It?: The Sociological Importance of Bruno

Sacha Baron Cohen is a British comedian who has garnered a great deal of controversy over the years. Through his characters, Ali G, Borat, and Bruno, he attempts to trick people into letting down their guards and revealing any prejudices (racism, anti-Semitism, homophobia, misogyny, et cetera) that they may have. In doing so, each of his three characters has sparked a debate concerning the different issues they bring up: with Ali G, it was whether the character was racist or exposed racism; with Borat, it was whether the character was anti-Semitic or revealed anti-Semitism; and with Bruno, it is whether the character reinforces homophobia or mocks it. I am concerned with the last of these three debates, specifically in relation to Baron Cohen's film Bruno. Many say the film reinforces gay stereotypes and is thus harmful for the gay community, while a seemingly equal number of people say it effectively mocks homophobia and is thus beneficial for the gay community. Using the data I collected from thirty-one interviews conducted after five separate screenings of the film, I argue that Bruno is not harmful for the gay community as audiences understood that the Bruno character is based on exaggerated stereotypes of homosexuals. That is, the film did not reinforce any negative stereotypes. But, I also explain that the film did not change any opinions on homosexuality either. Also in this work, I argue that within the world of cinema, Bruno fails to fit into any pre-existing genre, including the 'mock-documentary' genre where it is most commonly placed. Rather, I suggest the film is better categorized as what I call a Real Fake Mock-documentary. While 'mock-documentaries' are made up of fictional characters in fictional situations, this new term encompasses the fact that Bruno involves a fictional character placed into real situations. I conclude by noting that the content, release, and debate surrounding Bruno all reveal that it is still difficult to bring up the issue of homosexuality in American society, even forty years after the Civil Rights era.

The Evolution of Media Coverage of Historical Sports Controversies

This thesis will cover sports controversies throughout the 20th Century in the context of the media’s newspaper coverage of the events. The 1919 Black Sox Scandal, the debate over American participation in the 1936 Olympics, and Muhammad Ali’s conversion to the Nation of Islam, standing as a notorious public figure, and conscientious objection to the Vietnam War will represent the three sports controversies. The media’s adherence to cultural norms is clear in all three cases. The consistent devotion to the cultural and racial atmosphere of their respective eras was constant and helped to perpetuate accepted, mainstream cultural attitudes. Cultural and racial norms were followed in the coverage of the three discussed controversies. The anti-Semitism and racially intolerant sentiments in America during great waves of immigration in the early 1900s allowed for journalists to freely vilify Jews as corrupters of baseball and the ballplayers who were rumored to have thrown the 1919 World Series. The white ballplayers were supported in the press, who protected their own and blamed outsiders. Jim Crow and the Americanization movement forced African American and Jewish newspapers to limit their journalistic bias on both sides of the debate over American participation in the 1936 Berlin Olympics. The white, mainstream press was void of bias as the spirit of isolationism in America triumphed over journalist’s leanings in the Olympic debate. The racial tension created by the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s created an atmosphere that allowed mainstream journalists to heap endless criticism on Muhammad Ali as he gained fame. By portraying him as a villain of society as both a religious radical and traitor to America, journalists created a common enemy in the minds of white America. In all three cases, a pattern of journalists expressing the state of cultural and racial norms of the era is present and significant.

Nation, Narration and Islam: Memory and Governmentality in Germany

This article analyses narrations of German memories in relation to the incorporation of Islam into Germany. Memory narratives are not approached from the angle of identity, but as part of the continuous business of rationalizing politics inside and beyond the state. The citational use of narratives authorizes interventions in the process of government by constituting its objects, determining the means and aims of government and defining its authority. Narratives are a governmental practice, i.e. they connect politics narrowly defined with individual conduct, since narratives allow determination of a social context and what constitutes adequate behaviour within it. In this way, they help to orient practices of freedom. Acts such as the cultivating of an ethics of interreligious competition, involvement in specific forms of dialogue, or activism against Islamophobia and anti-Semitism derive meaning in part through such narratives, while simultaneously contributing new meaning.